The Rise and Ruin of Hojabr Yazdani, the most corrupt Baha'i tycoon in Iran

Hojabr Yazdani didn’t build an empire through hard work; he built a monument to greed on the backs of the broken. He lived like a "Don Corleone" who relied on cronyism, the act of using powerful friends like General Ayadi and General Nasiri to bypass the law and snatch whatever he wanted. He was a bully, not a businessman, who used mercenaries to spark violent gang wars in the streets of Tehran just to steal land from poor sheep ranchers. Yazdani was so paranoid and mean that his only "friend" was a pearl-handled gun he carried everywhere, even into the bathroom. He was driven by an arrogant superstition for the number thirteen, surrounding himself with thirteen bodyguards and thirteen rings. He was very notorious for his cruelty. His thirst for power soon moved from the fields to the very heart of the country’s money.

When he moved into banking, Yazdani used tricks and bribes to cheat the entire system. He took control of massive banks like Saderat and the Iranian Bank using "ghost money" that did not exist. His favorite trick was to bribe bank managers to "hide" his bad checks, delaying the system so he could use money he hadn’t actually paid to buy more power. He was essentially stealing from the banks to buy the banks. The "so what" of his crimes is seen in the wreckage he left behind for the poor. In Costa Rica, he took the life savings of thousands of small farmers and workers and gambled it all on coffee fields. When his plan failed and the bank went bankrupt, he stole their futures to keep his own pockets full. He spent his time in hiding, ignoring the cries of the families whose lives he had ruined while he sat on a mountain of stolen cash.

Yazdani’s final years were defined by a shameful escape from justice. He was arrested on the thirteenth day of the month with the highest bail price in the history of the country, yet he refused to face his crimes. During the chaos of a revolution, his thugs used a giant vehicle to ram through a prison wall, and he fled the country with the prison warden himself trailing behind like a servant. He spent the rest of his life in a mansion with twenty-two bathrooms and a Rolls Royce, living in luxury while his victims stayed poor. Even as an old man, he obsessed over lottery numbers, still hoping for one more payout. He died a coward in a palace, a man who believed his wealth made him a king when it only made him a thief. Hojabr Yazdani remains the ultimate symbol of corruption, a man who traded his soul for a number and left a nation to pay the price.

More here https://hojabryazdanimafia.blogspot.com

The Political Architecture of the Baha'i faith

The contradiction of Non-Partisanship: Neutrality as a Strategic Facade

The Baha'i Faith consistently projects an image of a spiritual movement divorced from the entanglements of partisan politics. This claim of "non-involvement" is not a theological principle but a sophisticated strategic facade. It functions as a protective membrane, allowing for global administrative expansion while masking an intensely ambitious geopolitical agenda. By positioning itself above the political fray, the movement secures diplomatic immunity and social acceptance, yet its core objective—the establishment of a "New World Order"—is fundamentally and aggressively political.

This contradiction is laid bare when one examines the observations of Denis MacEoin (1979). MacEoin correctly identified the Baha'i Faith as "one of the most political movements around," noting that its stated platform involves the abolition of non-Baha'i religious legal systems (such as Islamic Sharia), the retention of a class system, and the abolition of tariffs—issues that are among the "hottest political issues" in any era. MacEoin argued that the Baha'i goal of a world state is "no less extreme than the aim of every Marxist." In this framework, "teaching the faith" is not a spiritual endeavor but a substitute for violent revolution, intended to achieve the same result: the establishment of a Baha'i Super-State.

This "soft" approach to political transformation allows the faith to cultivate a "chameleon-like" reputation. It adopts the language of universal peace to bypass the scrutiny usually applied to overtly subversive movements. By framing its administrative growth as a spiritual necessity, the faith obscures its ultimate design to "step in" when the current global order inevitably collapses. This strategic ambiguity is not a modern innovation but the outcome of a century-long history of high-level political cultivation.

The Imperial Blueprint: Historical Alliances with Global Powers

Early Baha'i leadership recognized the tactical necessity of aligning with dominant colonial and military powers to ensure survival and secure an administrative seat in Haifa. Far from being spiritual retreats, the travels and meetings of Baha'i leaders were calculated diplomatic missions. On October 4, 1919, 'Abdu'l-Baha was invited aboard the British warship HMS Marlborough by the acting Military Governor of Haifa, a meeting that signaled his status as a high-level geopolitical asset. This was followed by "intensely interesting" private meetings with General Allenby, Commander-in-Chief of British forces, as well as high-ranking officials like General Sir Arthur Money and Ronald Storrs.

The true nature of these "spiritual" alliances is revealed by their practical utility. While 'Abdu'l-Baha met with figures such as Theodore Roosevelt, Admiral Peary, and U.S. Supreme Court justices to cultivate a peaceful reputation among the Western elite, the administrative wing of the faith was performing concrete functions for military strongmen. A report to the U.S. Secretary of State dated August 10, 1924, explicitly noted that Reza Khan "freely made use... of the intelligent services of the Baha'is" within the Iranian army and civil service. These imperial alliances were not mere social calls; they were the integration of the Baha'i administrative apparatus into the "intelligent services" of the era’s dominant powers, paving the way for specific territorial entanglements in the Levant.

The Zionist Nexus: Land, Finance, and State Concessions

The transition of the Baha'i center to modern Israel was facilitated by a symbiotic relationship with the Zionist movement. In 1914, 'Abdu'l-Baha hosted Baron Edmond James de Rothschild, a leading financier of the Zionist project, and publicly proclaimed that "a Jewish government might come later," urging Zionists to "do more and say less." This support extended into land transactions; Shoghi Effendi eventually sold land in al-Samra to the Jewish National Fund, a move that contributed to the eventual depopulation of the Arab village in 1948.

The "greatest victories" for the Baha'is in the region were won through the "personal liking" of high-ranking British administrators for Shoghi Effendi. Figures such as Sir Arthur Wauchope, Colonel Symes, and Keith-Roach—administrators overtly sympathetic to Zionist aspirations—facilitated the vital tax exemption for the Shrine of the Bab on Mt. Carmel. The claim that the Baha'i Faith "does not take sides" in the Israel-Palestine conflict is deconstructed by these financial and territorial benefits. A truly "neutral" faith does not receive massive land-tax exemptions from a colonial power during a period of intense regional displacement. The Baha'i movement did not merely witness the birth of the Israeli state; it actively secured its "heart and nerve centre" through these strategic Zionist alliances.

The Iran Objective: Sanctions, Regime Change, and Narrative Warfare

In the modern era, the Baha'i leadership has transitioned into overt political advocacy against the Iranian state, weaponizing their "persecuted minority" status to lobby for Western intervention. Figures like Payam Akhavan openly assert that "all the ingredients for regime change in Iran are there," comparing the current state to the fallen Soviet Union and apartheid South Africa. This narrative warfare is coordinated by the Universal House of Justice (UHJ), which has issued directives asking Baha'is to identify companies interested in doing business with Iran and coordinating with "Offices of External Affairs" to influence visiting business people and government officials.

The rhetoric used by Baha'i influencers has become increasingly dehumanizing and violent. Omid Djalili has framed the Iranian regime as "zombies" and a "cancer," supporting "painful" conflict if it achieves the removal of the government. This outlook finds its root in a chilling theological justification; when the believer Varqa asked how the cause would be adopted, Baha'u'llah replied that first, there must be "enormous bloodshed throughout the world." As MacEoin’s critique suggests, the Baha'i leadership judges the justice of a regime solely on its treatment of Baha'is; they offer no concern for the suffering of millions of Muslims and Palestinians, effectively viewing their deaths as a retributive "calamity" for the persecution of the faith and rejection of Baha'u'llah.

Destruction as Construction: The Theology of Global Disorder

The Baha'i political objective is predicated on the belief that the "Old World Order" is fundamentally defective and must be demolished. This is not a tragic necessity but a divinely orchestrated plan. Counselor B. Afshin explicitly links this to Marxist dialectics, expressing an almost ghoulish excitement at the prospect of a "wall collapse" so that the Baha'i system can be erected in its place.

The "Plan of God for Destruction" includes several core tenets:

• Destruction is Construction: The belief that "no construction without destruction" is a prerequisite for their New World Order.
• Orchestrated Incident: The assertion that all global incidents are happening "for the cause of God" to intentionally upset the world's balance.
• Synchronized Demolition: The command that Baha'i plans must "match and coincide" with the destructive plan of God, stepping in as shelters are removed.

This reveals the "New World Order" not as a peaceful evolution of humanity, but as an opportunistic administrative system waiting to seize power amidst global wreckage.

Selective Obedience: Embracing Dictators and Discrediting Critics

The Baha'i principle of "loyalty to government" is revealed to be highly transactional. Loyalty is demanded for regimes that protect Baha'i interests, while "regime change" is sought for those that do not. This has led the movement into disturbing associations with brutal authoritarian figures:

 
Nazi Germany: In a 1934 letter, Shoghi Effendi insisted on a "sacred obligation" to obey the Nazi regime, praising Adolf Hitler’s attitude toward peace and suggesting the regime would not "trample upon the domain of individual conscience."

 
Idi Amin and Augusto Pinochet: The Baha'i leadership "extolled" these dictators when it served their administrative ends. Hassan Sabri described the murderous Idi Amin as a "man who had brought God back into the picture," while Baha'i officials posed for photos with Augusto Pinochet, who showed "marked interest" in their holy places.

 
The David Kelly Case: The movement’s reach into the military-industrial complex is exemplified by Dr. David Kelly, who served as the treasurer of the small but influential Baha'i branch in Abingdon. Kelly was a prime source of the false information regarding Iraq's WMDs, illustrating how "spiritual" members of the faith are positioned to serve political ends that result in global catastrophe.

The "beautiful picture" of a spiritual, apolitical Baha'i Faith is a grand illusion. When the veil of neutrality is lifted, we find a movement that is intensely political, opportunistically aligned with colonial and Zionist powers, and theologically committed to the destruction of the current global order. The record of the faith is one of transactional loyalty—praising fascists like Hitler and Amin when it suits their growth, while advocating for the economic strangulation of nations that oppose them.

This represents "new levels of evil" in narrative warfare, where human rights and spiritual rhetoric are weaponized to facilitate the rise of a global Super-State. The Baha'i Faith is not a spiritual refuge; it is a sophisticated political architecture designed to wait for the collapse of civilization and rule over its ruins.

UK Baha'i Comedian, Omid Djalili, has gone full Zionist shill. May his career go down the toilet.

U.S. at Fault in Strike on School in Iran, Preliminary Inquiry Says

https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/11/us/politics/iran-school-missile-strike.html

A Tribute to Leila Shahid, a Great-Great-Granddaughter of Bahá’u’lláh

Leila Shahid in the center

On February 18, 2026, in the quiet commune of Lussan, France, Leila Shahid transitioned from this world, leaving a void that the Palestinian cause may never truly fill. She was not merely a diplomat or the General Delegate of Palestine to the EU; she was, in the words of Jean Genet, an "ardent heroine" whose life served as a living rebuke to those who trade human rights for institutional comfort.

She became known for her deep compassion, which grew from her time in refugee camps in South Lebanon and later developed through her work in Europe’s diplomatic circles. She gave her whole life to supporting people living under occupation. At the same time, the Baha’i faith turned inward, focusing mainly on its own struggles and concerns, and paid no attention to the suffering of other oppressed people.

Dr. Munib Jalal Shahid and his younger brother Hassan Jalal Shahid, grandsons of Abdul’Baha and cousins of Shoghi Effendi

Leila Shahid’s history is a tragedy of institutional cruelty. Her father, Dr. Munib Shahid, was a grandson of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá and a man who "lived" the Baha'i Cause through his service as a prominent doctor at the American University of Beirut. Yet, in a devastating display of administrative tyranny, Shoghi Effendi excommunicated Munib and his entire family. His "crime" was choosing love over dogma: he married Serene Husseini, a daughter of a prominent Palestinian Arab, in a Muslim ceremony.

This was not just an expulsion; it was the crushing of a believer’s soul. Munib remained a "sincere and true Baha'i" who spent his final years seeking a way back to the community through Abul Ghassem Faizy, only to die a "disappointed man," robbed of the spiritual home he cherished. The institution’s coldness was immortalized by Hassan Jalal Shahid:

"I believe religion should be based on love and understanding. I find expulsion so contrary to the Spirit and principles of Bahaism."

While the Baha'i leadership which has been described as "book burners" of their own history, actively erases the inconvenient past, Leila stood as the custodian of memory. She salvaged her family’s massive archive from the "ravages of war" in Beirut, choosing to preserve history rather than sanitize it for the sake of administrative purity.

History has rendered its verdict on the Baha'i administration’s long-standing alignment with the architects of Palestinian displacement. The timeline of collusion is as clear as it is damning:

• 1914: On the brink of the Great War, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá hosted Baron Edmond de Rothschild, the financier of the Zionist dream, during his early trips to Palestine.
• 1919: Following the British occupation, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá explicitly praised the Zionist movement, urging them to "come and do more and say less," and prophesying that a "Jewish government might come later."
• 1922: Shoghi Effendi cultivated a cozy relationship with Sir Herbert Samuel, the British High Commissioner whose appointment was the first step in forming a Zionist national home in the heart of the Arab world.
• 1954: In the "Haifa Notes," Shoghi Effendi stripped away any pretense of neutrality. He claimed the Jews would "drive out" the Arabs and asserted a grotesque theological victim-blaming: because the Arabs did not respond to Baha'u'llah, they would "suffer more" than the Jews had for persecuting Christ.

Persians in Los Angeles celebrating the attack on Iran

The modern Baha'i institution maintains a veneer of "universal peace," but the mask slips when blood is spilled in the Middle East. Recently, in Los Angeles, home to the largest Persian Baha'i community, members were documented dancing in the streets, celebrating military strikes and the death of Iran’s Supreme Leader. Waving signs for Donald Trump and Benjamin Netanyahu, these "pro-peace" advocates revealed a shameless joy that mirrors Shoghi Effendi’s own historical "satisfaction" at the deaths of those he expelled as "covenant-breakers."

From a legal perspective, this celebration of violence is an endorsement of international crime. The military strikes against Iran constitute a manifest violation of Article 2(4) of the UN Charter. These actions fail every standard of self-defense under Article 51, representing instead a "complete evisceration of the jus ad bellum." By cheering for these strikes, the Baha'i community aligns itself with the destruction of the very international order they claim to champion.

Leila Shahid was the great-great-granddaughter of Baha'u'llah yet she walked away from the sanitized heights of Haifa to stand in the dust of the ghetto. In 1982, she accompanied Jean Genet into the Sabra and Shatila refugee camps, witnessing the "vision of horror" that would define her life’s mission.

She was a scathing critic of compromised power, even within her own circles, expressing total disillusionment with the mediocrity and failures of the leadership in Ramallah. Her life was defined by service to the Palestinian national movement through the PLO and Fatah, holding the following vital posts:

• 1976: President of the General Union of Palestinian Students (GUPS) in France.
• 1989: PLO Representative to Ireland.
• 1990: PLO Representative to the Netherlands and Denmark.
• 1994–2005: General Delegate of Palestine to France.
• 2005–2015: General Delegate of Palestine to the European Union, Belgium, and Luxembourg.

The divide is absolute. On one side stands the Baha'i administration, an entity that has historically bartered its principles for the favor of Imperial Britain, Zionist Israel, and the modern MAGA movement. On the other stands Leila Shahid, who rejected the comforts of her lineage to walk the path of the ghettoized and the occupied.

She chose the struggle of the oppressed over the cold administration of a "Faith" that excommunicated her father for the crime of love. Leila Shahid was the very best of us because she understood that true humanity is found not in the service of power, but in the relentless pursuit of justice for those power seeks to erase.

In honor of Leila Shahid (1949–2026): A life dedicated to the freedom of Palestine.