The Baha'i faith (Bahaism)

Unveiling the Truth: Behind the Public Image of Bahaism (the Baha'i faith)

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Why the Baha'i International Community is at FAO (Food and Agriculture Organization) of the United Nations?

17th Oct. 2025


Like every other platform, Baha'is now using World Food Forum to propagate their religion. The Universal House of Justice has frequently emphasized that Baha'is should use every opportunity and avenue to share the message of Baha'u'llah with the masses, especially focusing their efforts on people of capacity in order to contribute to the transformation of society (meaning making them Baha'is or the friends of the Faith). UHJ messages frequently advise believers to "find creative ways in which the necessary time and resources can be made available" so that people with special capacities may be guided and assisted in their spiritual journey and become empowered to contribute to community building [on Baha'i values].

This week, the Baha'i International Community's Offices from Addis Ababa, Brussels, and Cairo joined global leaders, civil society, youth and farming organisations and other stakeholders at the World Food Forum to deliberate on agri-food systems. [!!!]

Marking FAO's 80th anniversary, this year's Forum provided a platform for the BIC Offices to engage in conversations 😲 about the guiding principles required to build just, sustainable and resilient agri-food systems.

E.S. Yazdani Appoints Sixth Guardian to Succeed Him


O THOU GLORY OF THE MOST GLORIOUS

Office of Fifth Guardian of the Bahá'í Faith

To all the believers, Servants and handmaids of the Bahá'ì Faith throughout the world:

Glorified art Thou, O Lord my God! I pray Thee, by Him Who is the Day-Spring of Thy signs and the Manifestation of Thy names, and the Treasury of Thine inspiration, and the Repository of Thy wisdom, to send upon Thy loved ones that which will enable them to cleave steadfastly to Thy Cause, and to recognize Thy unity, and to acknowledge Thy oneness, and to bear witness to Thy divinity. Raise them up, O my God, to such heights that they will recognize in all things the tokens of the power of Him Who is the Manifestation of Thy most august and all-glorious Self. Thou art He, O my Lord, Who doeth what He willeth, and ordaineth what He pleaseth. Every possessor of power is forlorn before the revelations of Thy might, and every fountain of honor becomes abject when confronted by the manifold evidences of Thy great glory. I beseech Thee, by Thyself and by whatsoever is of Thee, to grant that I may help Thy Cause and speak of Thy praise and set my heart on the sanctuary of Thy glory and detach myself from all that pertaineth not unto Thee. No God is there beside Thee, the God of power, the God of glory and wisdom.
- Bahá'u'lláh

By this writ, I, Enayatollah Sarvestani Yazdani, currently residing at 1385 Old Northern Road, Middle Dural, New South Wales, Post Code 2158, Australia, currently being Fifth Guardian of the Baha'i Faith until my soul is called from this contingent world, do appoint and designate Mr Shahram Na'im Yazdani presently residing at Unit 115/23 Porter Street, Ryde, New South Wales, Post Code 2112, Australia, as his successor as Sixth Guardian of the Bahá'ì Faith after his death.

This writ is thus being made by virtue of the explicit text of the Will and Testament of 'Abdu'l- Bahá in accordance with all directions found in it.

No one has any right to change any part of this writ except the present Guardian of the Faith, Enayatollah Sarvestani Yazdani.

This writ is made in three original copies. One Copy is kept with my solicitor Mr. Craig Doyle, Principal/Notary Public at McDonald Johnson Lawyers at Level 1, 200 Union Street, The Junction, New South Wales, Post Code 2291, Australia. One Copy is kept in my safe at my place of resident and one copy is kept with Mr Shahram Na'im Yazdani, my appointed successor, currently residing at Unit 115/23 Porter Street, New South Wales, Post Code 2112, Australia.

This writ is made on this day, Thursday, 24th, 2025 at McDonald Johnson Lawyers, at Level 1, 200 Union Street, The Junction, NSW, Post Code 2291, Australia.

ES Yazdani

Fifth Guardian of the Bahá'ì Faith, Sydney, 24th July 2025

PUBLIC
CRAIG G
27XC

Duly executed in my presence

CRAIG DOYLE
Notary Public CRAIG DOYLE
NOTARY PUBLIC 200 UNION STREET THE JUNCTION 2291 AUSTRALIA

Baha'is using prayers to attract innocent people.

When I think about it, I am ashamed of myself and my conscience.

Prayer, that intimate solitude between a person and God, had become, in our hands, a religious trap.

We were told to gather people, to say: “Come, let us pray together. Bring whatever book you have! It doesn’t matter... bring whatever you wish.” But behind that simple facade there was a hidden scheme: prayer was only a cover, a means for teaching the faith, a tool for recruitment.


We were instructed to seek out the most vulnerable first, villagers, simple people. We approached them in the guise of spirituality, with soothing words of unity, peace and love, with prayers. But in the end the real aim was something else: to pull them into the organization. Not to help them, but to register them as Baha'is, making them followers of the UHJ.

Now, looking back, the bitterness burns in my bones. In the name of prayer we turned people’s hopes into instruments. In the name of unity, peace and worship we stole their trust. Prayer for us was not a gateway to God; it was a door that led simple and innocent souls into the cage of the organization.

This is no longer merely deception. It is an insult to faith, to humanity, to prayer itself. And today, with all my anger and bitterness, I cry out: if even prayer has been turned by you into a tool of recruitment, then what sacred word remains that you have not corrupted?!

Shared by: Simin Roohparvar via email (name changed on her request)

Baha'u'llah sends his daughter to Subh-i-Azal


'Izziyya Khanum, Baháʼu'lláh's half-sister, in her book Tanbih al-Naimin (The Awakening of the Sleepers), commonly called Risala-i-Amma (The Aunt's Epistle) refers to this event, which occurred during the Babi exiles' residence in Baghdad, as the "اعجب" (most amazing or strangest event).

The key details of the account are as follows:

The Offer and First Refusal:

  • 'Izziyya Khanum relates the story as told by Baha'u'llah's wife (identified in the text as the mother of Aqa Muhammad Ali).
  • Baha'u'llah instructed his wife to dress their daughter, Sultan Khanum, in fine clothing and take her to his brother, Subh-i-Azal.
  • Baha'u'llah's wife was to "offer this maiden (kaniz) to him [Azal] and ask him to accept her".
  • When Azal heard Baha'u'llah's message, he became upset and refused to accept her.
  • Azal stated that the girl was like his own daughter and was no different from his own children. He rejected the offer, saying that "such a command has not been revealed".

The Second Attempt and Final Refusal:

  • Baha'u'llah's wife returned and informed him of Azal's rejection.
  • Baha'u'llah "reflected for a while" and then instructed his wife to return the daughter to Azal once more.
  • Baha'u'llah asked her to tell Azal: "Do not put a hand of rejection on my chest and accept my request".
  • This time, Baha'u'llah proposed that Azal accept Sultan Khanum as a kaniz for Azal's son, Aqa Ahmad (Ahmad Bahaj).
  • Azal again refused, saying that the girl and Mirza Ahmad (his son) were "the same to me and both are my own children".
  • Azal instructed Baha'u'llah's wife to go back and tell Baha'u'llah "not to insist or exaggerate because God is not satisfied".
  • Baha'u'llah's wife then returned and reported the final refusal, after which Baha'u'llah fell silent.

'Izziyya Khanum considered it strange and unfortunate that Baha'u'llah, who allegedly preferred a groundless allegation against Subh-i-Azal, would himself offer his daughter as a Kaniz to his brother or his nephew.

Above accounts originated from sources hostile to Baháʼu'lláh. Now, read the following Tablet of Baháʼu'lláh, which was provisionally translated by Adib Masumian (a Baháʼí Scholar).

Once We [Baha'u'llah] had entered Iraq and a number of days passed, We were joined by My brother [Subh-i-Azal], and he remained with Us for a period of months that hath been mentioned in Tablets. He sought from Us a wife; We procured for him what quelled his carnal desire, and he dwelled comfortably in the land.

Though We sent for believing women to be dispatched from other lands to appear before thee, whereafter thou didst enjoy intimacy with them and abide in conspicuous comfort, ...

Although, moreover, thou didst seek from Me what would gratify thy passion, till eventually thou didst gather around thyself a number of maidens and sustain thyself with them, ...

O My brother! How many a night didst thou repose on thy bed with thy wives while I personally protected thee, ...

(Baha'u'llah, Lawh-i-Mirza Rida-Quli)

https://adibmasumian.com/translations/lawh-i-mirza-rida-quli/

Palabra and Watchtower: How Baha’is and Jehovah’s Witnesses Use Publications to Spread Their Cult

Palabra Publications (Baha'i) and Watchtower Publications (Jehovah’s Witnesses) both serve as central tools for religious teaching, study, and community life in their respective "faiths". While they produce materials used for instruction and spiritual growth in different religions, there are notable similarities in their publications.

Core Similarities

  • Teaching and Deepening: Both publishers produce course materials, study guides, and compilations specifically designed for structured studies, group deepening, and individual learning—aimed at strengthening doctrinal understanding and encouraging faith-based action.^1^5
  • Use of Scriptural Texts: Their books heavily feature original scripture, attributed quotations, and interpretive commentary; Baha’i materials focus on the writings of Bahá’u’lláh and the Universal House of Justice, while JWs focus on the Bible and interpretations from the Governing Body.^5
  • Community Focus: Many books are designed for organized religious activities including group learning, youth programs, and foundational religious training. Both are key resources during missionary or teaching campaigns and for systematic religious outreach.^2^5
  • Progressive Study Frameworks: Both religions deploy structured study series—Palabra’s institute courses (such as the Ruhi sequence) and Watchtower's series of study books and their flagship magazine, "The Watchtower"—to create consistent doctrinal understanding among members.^2

Publication Styles

  • Identical Elements:
    • Didactic, clear, and accessible language is a hallmark of both publishers, with materials often organized in lesson or chapter formats with discussion questions and points for reflection.
    • Visual aids (charts, simple illustrations), indexes, and practical application sections are commonly used in both traditions.^1

Use in Religious Teaching

  • Ruhi Books (Palabra): Used extensively in institute training, by youth groups, and in community classes—aimed at both nurturing believers and sharing beliefs with outsiders. Materials are often modular and encourage interactive participation and personal interpretation.^4
  • JW Books (Watchtower): Used in formal study sessions, at meetings in Kingdom Halls, for home-based Bible studies, and during door-to-door ministry. Publications generally aim for doctrinal uniformity and often include direct instructions for how to teach others.^5

Book Content Similarities

  • Both feature:
    • Collections of foundational texts or messages (e.g., compilations from Bahá’í leaders or JW Governing Body)
    • Educational series intended for graded progression, often starting from basic doctrine to deeper theology.
    • Targeted materials for specific audiences (youth, children, families, newly interested individuals).^1^5

Why I Am Not a Baha'i? A Personal Reckoning by a Christian exBahai


Introduction: Tearing Down the Facade

This document is not a gentle critique or a dispassionate academic review. It is a personal and theological indictment, a final reckoning with a religion that sells a polished, saccharine image of peace and unity to a gullible world. Behind that carefully marketed facade lies a grim reality of doctrinal hypocrisy, intellectual dishonesty, and spiritual bankruptcy. For decades, I dedicated my life and my intellect to this Faith, only to discover that its foundations are built on sand and its promises are hollow. This is not a story of doubt; it is a declaration of my complete and irrevocable rejection of the Baha'i Faith, and a detailed explanation of the reasons why.

1. The Founder's Flawed Pedestal: Baha'u'llah vs. Christ

1.1. Setting the Stage: The Failure of Divine Comparison

The life and character of a founder are the ultimate tests of their claims. This is not a trivial matter; it is the strategic cornerstone of any faith. For a man like Mirza Husayn 'Ali, who took the title Baha'u'llah and claimed to be nothing less than a supreme Manifestation of God—the Father returned, the fulfillment of all prophecy—the comparison to figures like Jesus Christ is not merely fair; it is the only comparison that matters. To make such an audacious claim is to invite the most scrupulous examination. I undertook that examination, and what I found was a man whose life was utterly lacking in the divine qualities he so grandiosely claimed for himself.

1.2. An Empty Claim to Divinity

With a sense of scathing derision, one must observe that Baha'u'llah's life bears none of the hallmarks that define Christ’s ministry and give it transcendent power. He claimed to be God, stating baldly, "I, verily, am God" and "there is no God but him." Yet where is the evidence? Where are the miracles? Where are the selfless healings, the gentle compassion for the masses, the ultimate sacrifice of a life given for the salvation of humanity?

Instead, we find a man who lived like a king, sustained by the funds of his followers, allowing them to prostrate themselves at his feet and circumambulate him as if he were a holy shrine. How can a supposed “Manifestation of God,” who referred to himself as “the wronged one” more than 170 times in his writings, demonstrate none of the divine power or redemptive love so radiantly displayed by his predecessors? The contrast is not merely stark; it is damning.

1.3. Prophetic Gymnastics

The Baha'i Faith attempts to validate its founder’s station by citing biblical prophecies, but this effort amounts to little more than desperate interpretive gymnastics. The prophecies used are either laughably vague or twisted through forced and inaccurate logic to fit a pre-determined conclusion.

Consider the claim that a biblical prophecy of a figure coming "from Assyria" is fulfilled by Baha'u'llah because his journey took him to Baghdad, a city merely located in what was the ancient kingdom of Assyria. This is not fulfillment; it is a crude and dishonest retrofitting of scripture. It is a method of "truth investigation" where the conclusion is decided in advance, and any scrap of text, no matter how tenuous, is bent to support it. Such shoddy proofs fail to provide any credible support for his claims and reveal an intellectual foundation built on convenience rather than integrity.

2. A House Divided: The Chaos of the Holy Family

2.1. Setting the Stage: The Family as a Litmus Test

The state of a spiritual leader’s family is the most potent litmus test of their teachings. A man who preaches unity and harmony to the world but cannot inspire it within his own home is a fraud. By this simple, elemental measure, Baha'u'llah’s family life was a catastrophic failure. The chaos, infighting, and generational schism that defined his household fundamentally undermine the entire Baha'i claim to be a source of unity for mankind. How can a faith that could not unite one family dare to claim it can unite the world?

2.2. A Legacy of Dysfunction

The pristine image of a “holy family” dissolves under the slightest scrutiny, revealing a legacy of bitter and enduring chaos.

  • Polygamy: Baha'u'llah was a polygamist. This is not an anti-Baha'i smear; it is a fact. He had multiple wives, including Gawhar Khanum, whom he married in Baghdad, and later, in his old age, a fourth wife named Jamaliyya. The modern Baha'i attempt to sanitize this fact does not change its reality.
  • Child Mortality and Neglect: At least six of his fourteen children died in early childhood. One must ask, with grim irony, why a divine figure with a direct line to God was unable to heal his own offspring. More damning is his abandonment of his family for a two-year withdrawal to Kurdistan. During this period of self-imposed exile, his infant son died for lack of medical care—a death directly attributable to his father’s neglect.
  • A Failed Covenant: The ultimate irony of Baha'u'llah’s ministry is the complete and utter failure of his own Covenant within his family. His own sons, Muhammad 'Ali, Badi'u'llah, and Diya'u'llah, could not abide by his succession plan. In the end, "almost the entire family of Baha’u’llah," including his two surviving wives and his children, turned against his appointed successor, 'Abdu'l-Baha. The very people who knew him best rejected the core of his final command.
  • Generational Disunity: This disunity did not end there. It became a permanent, generational feature of the Faith. Baha'u'llah’s descendants were systematically declared “Covenant-breakers” and excommunicated. This pathological obsession with purity continued under his grandson, Shoghi Effendi, who expelled nearly all of his own relatives, including his parents, siblings, and cousins, from the Faith. The history of the Baha’i “holy family” is a relentless chronicle of schism and shunning.

3. A Canon of Control: Deconstructing Baha'i Writings

3.1. Setting the Stage: The Pen as a Weapon of Control

Sacred scripture should be a source of liberation, grace, and spiritual truth. It ought to elevate the human soul. Upon close and honest inspection, however, the writings of Baha'u'llah reveal themselves to be a vast and questionable collection of oppressive legalism, blatant hypocrisy, and narcissistic self-obsession. His pen was not a tool of salvation; it was a weapon of control.

3.2. A Litany of Literary and Theological Flaws

The Baha'i canon is riddled with flaws that disqualify it from any claim to divine origin.

  1. Uninspired Prose: The Baha'i claim that Baha'u'llah's ability to produce a vast quantity of "revealed" text is a unique miracle is ludicrous. Many other 19th-century figures, such as Joseph Smith and Mary Baker Eddy, produced similarly vast and stylistically complex works. Baha'u'llah was a man from a noble family with a good education; the claim that his writings are a supernatural feat is an easily debunked marketing ploy.
  2. Narcissistic Focus: His writings are pathologically self-referential. He talked incessantly about his own problems and referred to himself as “the wronged one” more than 170 times. This is not the voice of God; it is the voice of a man obsessed with his own grievances.
  3. Absence of Grace: In stark contrast to the Gospels, the Baha'i writings offer no gospel of salvation through grace. It is a regression to a system of pure works, where adherence to ordinances is paramount. As the writings state, "whoso is deprived thereof [observing ordinances] hath gone astray, though he be the author of every righteous deed." Faith and good deeds are worthless without rigid obedience to the law.
  4. Oppressive Legalism: The legalism of the Baha'i Faith is, in a word, outstanding. It is a religion of minute regulations governing nearly every aspect of life. This stands in stark opposition to the Christian gospel. Christ, as Paul writes, set humanity free so that we would not "be subject again to a yoke of slavery" (Galatians 5:1). To return to such legalism is to be "severed from Christ" (Galatians 5:4). This endless prescription of rules is the unmistakable hallmark of a controlling, false religion designed to dominate its followers, not to free them.
  5. Rampant Hypocrisy: Baha'u'llah failed to live by his own standards, a fatal flaw in any spiritual leader. The ultimate example is the hypocrisy of abandoning his wife and children to poverty and death in Kurdistan, a direct contradiction to the principles of family unity he would later write about. On a smaller but no less telling scale, his writings show a clear aversion to smoking, yet it is admitted that "for certain reasons, He smoked a little." He also forbade religious dissimulation (taqiyyah), yet both he and his successor outwardly conformed to Islamic practices, attending mosques and presenting themselves as Muslims to avoid conflict with authorities in Palestine. This is the very definition of hypocrisy.
  6. A Dangerous World Order: The Baha'i vision of a future world government is not a blueprint for peace but for a global theocracy. It imagines a "world federal system... ruling the whole earth and exercising unchallengeable authority." This is a plan for the absolute fusion of church and state on a planetary scale, a chilling prospect for anyone who values freedom.
  7. Systemic Inequality: For all its talk of equality, the Baha'i Faith enshrines female inferiority at the highest level. It is an unchangeable law that "membership on the Universal House of Justice is confined to men." This is not equality; it is a permanent, divinely sanctioned glass ceiling.
  8. An Incoherent Theology: The theology is a mess of contradictions. Followers are told to worship an unknowable God, yet Baha'u'llah repeatedly makes claims of absolute divinity for himself, such as "verily, I am God" and that his followers should see in him "nothing but God." It is a system that demands belief in contradictory propositions simultaneously.
  9. Irrational and Cruel Laws: Beyond the sheer volume of laws, many are simply irrational, while others, like the institutionalized practice of shunning family members deemed “Covenant-breakers,” inflict extreme and lasting emotional pain on followers.
  10. Veiled Threats: The writings are not all peace and love. They contain chilling threats against those who might challenge the authority of the Faith. The Kitab-i-Aqdas warns any imposter that "God will, assuredly, send down one who will deal mercilessly with him. Terrible, indeed, is God in punishing!" This is the language of intimidation, not divine love.

4. The Polished Cage: The Cultish Nature of the Organization

4.1. Setting the Stage: A Blueprint for a Cult

A religion's principles are meaningless until they are expressed in its behavior. The organizational structure and social dynamics of the Baha'i community reveal its true nature. In practice, the Baha'i Faith operates not as an open and evolving world religion, but as a high-control group, a polished cage with all the classic, destructive tendencies of a cult.

4.2. An Inventory of Cult-like Behaviors

A brief inventory of the Baha'i administration's methods reveals a disturbing pattern of manipulation and control.

  • Marketing and Deception The public-facing principles of the Faith are a "carefully crafted marketing plan" designed to appeal to Western sensibilities. This is coupled with deceptive terminology to obscure the religion’s true nature: proselytizing is called “teaching,” missionaries are “pioneers,” and censorship is "review." It is a lexicon of misdirection.
  • Information Control The Faith practices systematic information control. All Baha'i authors must submit their work for official “review” before publication, ensuring adherence to the party line. When it comes to outside criticism, the official guidance is explicit: "ignore them entirely." Believers are actively discouraged from reading any material critical of the Faith, creating an intellectual echo chamber.
  • Paranoia and Surveillance There is an "excessive paranoia" about the “protection of the Faith.” This manifests in institutions like the "Committee of Vigilance," tasked with watching for internal enemies. Members are tracked by number in computer programs like the SRP (Statistical Report Program), a global database of believer activity. This is the architecture of a surveillance state.
  • Shunning and Exclusion The practice of shunning those declared "Covenant-breakers" is a core cultish behavior. These individuals are treated as carriers of a "spiritual disease," and association with them is forbidden. This cruel doctrine has torn families apart with a brutality that must be seen to be believed. In one documented case, after Husayn Ghani was expelled, his "Baha’i relatives, including his mother, cut off all communication with him." A faith that compels a mother to shun her own son has abandoned any claim to compassion.
  • Intolerance of Dissent There is zero tolerance for dissent. The system demands absolute, unquestioning obedience to the administrative order. Believers are told they are not in a position to judge their leaders and that rejection of an administrative command is equivalent to a rejection of Baha'u'llah himself. Those who persist in expressing an independent conscience are ultimately excommunicated and shunned.
  • Administrative Obsession Baha'i life is dominated by administration. It is "mostly admin work," focused on meetings, statistics, and institutional promotion, with little emphasis on genuine spiritual development. The electoral system itself is a sham; with campaigning forbidden, "nobody elected has any accountability." It is an entirely top-down power structure masquerading as a democracy.
  • Financial Demands The organization is relentless in its requests for money. This financial extraction began with Baha'u'llah living "like a king" off his followers' funds and continues today. The payment of Huququ'llah (the "Right of God") is a primary obligation, and believers are constantly solicited for massive contributions, such as the call for "$74,000,000" for the Mount Carmel construction projects.

5. The Personal Toll: My Scars from the "Faith of Unity"

5.1. Setting the Stage: The Human Cost of a False Ideology

Beyond all the theological arguments, the historical fallacies, and the organizational critiques lies the most important evidence of all: the deep and lasting personal damage this religion inflicted upon my soul. This is not theory; this is my testimony. This is the lived experience behind the smiling Baha'i facade—a story of spiritual abuse in the name of the “Most Great Peace.”

5.2. A Testimony of Spiritual Abuse

I came to the Faith seeking truth and love, but what I found was an environment devoid of both. My years as a Baha'i were marked by constant, subtle judgment from those who saw themselves as more righteous, more obedient, more "on fire" with the Cause. I was subjected to endless accusations if I questioned the official narrative or expressed an independent thought. This created a pervasive feeling of inadequacy, a spiritual sickness that left me drained and depressed.

The threat of exclusion was a constant weapon. One wrong step, one association with the "wrong" people, one unapproved idea, and you could find yourself isolated, cast out from the community that was supposed to be your spiritual family. I was manipulated through guilt trips—that I wasn't teaching enough, giving enough, or sacrificing enough for the Plans that never seemed to bear fruit. I lived in a state of perpetual cognitive dissonance, trying to reconcile the lofty promises of a new world order with the petty, controlling reality I experienced every day. The greatest of these were the failed promises—the grand prophecies of "entry by troops" and the arrival of the Lesser Peace by the year 2000, which came and went, leaving behind only the hollow silence of disillusionment.

Would a religion that treats me this way be from God?

A Declaration of Freedom

My rejection of the Baha'i Faith is total and is rooted in evidence that is overwhelming and undeniable. It is a house built on the flawed pedestal of a self-obsessed founder, haunted by the chaos of his own divided family, and governed by a canon of controlling, hypocritical writings. It operates as a polished cult that inflicts deep and lasting harm on its followers, demanding conformity at the cost of conscience. To leave this system was not to lose my faith, but to reclaim my intellectual and spiritual freedom. It was a declaration of liberation from a destructive and hollow ideology, and I have never looked back.

Needs of the Bahá’í World Centre at the Current Time

Wanted: Shoe and Clothing Preservationists for the World Centre. Must Have a High Tolerance for Historical Footprints and Fabric Stains!

Finally I’m going to say a few words to you to indicate some of the pressing needs at the Bahá'í World Centre (BWC). This is not a recruiting meeting. I don’t expect any of you to come to serve there. None of you seem qualified for any of these positions, but I want you to know so you can talk to others about some of the things we need.

One of the pressing needs at the BWC, is for people with expertise in the science of conservation. How best to conserve documents and artefacts? For example the shoes of Bahá'u'lláh. What happens to them after 500 years? Conservation is a science that is concerned with things like slow-rate chemical processes that can occur over hundreds of years.

How do we conserve the texts, the ink and the paper upon which the original texts are written? This is the science of conservation. Bahá’ís who have done a degree in chemistry and don’t know what to do with it, can go on and do a graduate program in conservation. For example, the University of Canberra has a good program. They can then serve at the Bahá’í World Centre, we need them there and in a number of other places as time goes by.

One of our greatest needs is for archivists, experts in archival science. We have a pressing need for more Bahá’ís who have archival experience to help us in running our own archives at the World Centre, and in future the archives in major places such as Wilmette, here in Sydney, and in Frankfurt. If you want to have nightmares, start thinking about the records of the National Assemblies in the Pacific Islands. Because the National Spiritual Assemblies (NSAs) in the Pacific Islands don’t have the facilities to maintain their minute books and basic correspondence of what happened. For example, how was the NSA of Fiji formed and what happened over the years? So we have pressing needs for archival skills, and as there are good programs in Australia so you might encourage people going in that direction to think about it.

We need Bahá’ís with library science skills. We are scouring the world for qualified librarians. Our BWC library has a number of authorised positions and it’s about half filled at the moment because we cannot find qualified Bahá’í librarians.

There is an on going need for accountants and financial analysts and, in some cases, people with investment skills.

There is a great need at the BWC for executive secretaries, better described as Executive Aides. Typically, the direction in which we are going is that each member of the House of Justice and each member of the International Teaching Centre has and will have an Executive Aide who will, in turn, direct 1 or 2 more staff. At present I have a Secretary Aide who is a high level person and she has an Assistant Secretary. And I can see that expanding a little bit in the future. So we need people who are executive secretaries, somewhat like a company secretary. Someone who has a level of maturity in decision-making and good understanding and that’s probably something we will need more and more.

We need people in property management because we have over 100 apartments where we keep our staff, because it is cheaper for us to own these properties than rent them. Also we will have property acquisitions as the BWC expands and develops in time to come.

Lawyers are always a need. We have a small legal office of 2 lawyers, both of whom happen to be from Australia. We will need to expand that. It defends us when we are sued, which is reasonably common because everyone has the idea that we must be incredibly rich from having beautiful marble buildings. In addition, occasionally someone says something in the newspaper that they shouldn’t say, and we need to do something about it.

We also have very complex legal issues to negotiate with the State of Israel with our Status Agreement which gives us various rights in terms of taxation and importation and visas and the like. More and more, our legal office at the BWC is called upon to give advice to the House of Justice in response to National Assemblies. The NSAs write to us about Privacy Acts and matters like that and we have to respond to various issues that they raise. So our legal office has a range of things to deal with and that will require lawyers. Particularly lawyers who are not only smart but also are devoted believers with the degree of discipline to work with the House of Justice.

I have pretty much finished what I wanted to say and if you’re still alive I’m willing to take any questions or any discussion you may want to raise.

(The Need for Bahá'ís of Capacity and Expertise by Peter J. Khan - 2002)

https://bahai-library.com/khan_bahais_capacity_expertise#7

Agha Musa Naghiyev: Muslim Philanthropist or Bahá’í Follower? A Closer Look at the Evidence

Agha Musa Naghiyev (1849–1919)

In the late 1800s and early 1900s, Baku became one of the most important oil cities in the world. Among the wealthy people who shaped this city, Agha Musa Naghiyev (1849–1919) stands out. He was born into a poor family and started life as a cargo carrier, but through hard work and smart business moves, he became one of the richest men in Baku—second only to the Nobel brothers. He owned more than 200 buildings and became the city’s largest landlord.

But Naghiyev is remembered not just for his wealth. He became famous for his charitable work, especially toward the Muslim community of Baku.


A Life of Muslim Philanthropy

Naghiyev funded the building of the Ismailiyya Palace, modeled after Venice’s Doge’s Palace, and gave it to the Baku Muslim Charity Society. He also financed Baku’s largest hospital, which opened in 1912 and still serves patients today. He supported education, including the Real College (now Azerbaijan State Economic University).

Naghiyev’s attachment to Islam was strong. He funded the construction of a mosque, donated to Muslim charities, and clearly expressed his wish to be buried in Karbala, one of the holiest cities in Islam. When he died, his funeral followed Muslim customs: his body was washed, prayers were recited, and he was buried as a Muslim.


Wikipedia and the Bahá’í Claims

However, the story of his religious identity is made more complicated when looking at Wikipedia and other modern sources.

  • The Wikipedia page on Musa Naghiyev states that he “was an adherent of the Bahá’í Faith and served on the Spiritual Assembly of the Baháʼís of Baku.”

  • The Wikipedia page on Baháʼí Faith in Azerbaijan also mentions him. But it notes that some sources say he was Muslim while others call him Baháʼí.

When the Talk Page of Baháʼí Faith in Azerbaijan article was checked, it showed that Bahá’í editors are relying mostly on self-published sources to claim that he was a Bahá’í. Self-published sources are not considered strong evidence in historical or academic research.


Soli Shahvar’s Role

A major academic source often cited by Bahá’ís is a research paper by Dr. Soli Shahvar, a professor at the Department of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies at the University of Haifa, Israel. Dr. Shahvar is known to be a close friend of the Bahá’ís in Israel.

In his paper, he tries very strongly to prove that Musa Naghiyev was Bahá’í. He argues that Naghiyev not only supported Muslim institutions but also helped the Bahá’ís financially. Shahvar claims that Naghiyev chaired a committee for a Bahá’í building called “Ruhanie” in Baku.


Historical Context: Early Bahá’í Identity Was Not Clear

It’s important to remember the historical context. During the time of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá (early 20th century), the definition of a Bahá’í was not clearly fixed. Many people in Muslim countries, including Palestine and Azerbaijan, did not see Bahá’í as a separate religion. Instead, they saw it as a movement (Tariqat) inside Islam that promoted unity, love, and peace.

Because of this, some Muslims were in contact with Bahá’ís, supported their projects, or even attended their gatherings—without actually accepting Bahá’u’lláh as a “Manifestation of God” or leaving Islam. This historical fact is crucial when interpreting claims about Naghiyev’s religious identity.


Weighing the Evidence

After reading both Muslim and Bahá’í sources, including academic articles, Wikipedia pages, and historical records, here is what seems most reasonable:

  1. Musa Naghiyev was born Muslim.

  2. His charitable work, funeral, and will clearly reflect a Muslim identity.

  3. He was in contact with Bahá’ís and may have supported their activities.

  4. Bahá’í authors and editors rely on self-published or friendly sources to claim he was Bahá’í.

  5. In the early 1900s, being “connected” to Bahá’ís did not always mean being a committed believer.

More information here:

Update :

In a recent paper published by Soli Shahvar, I found this:

It seems that in Southern Caucasus the practice of regarding the Baha’is as an Islamic sect, seems to have been continued even up to the first decade of the twentieth century. For example, even as late as 1909, when the Baha’is of Baku city wanted to establish the ‘Ruhanie’—the local Baha’i Spiritual Assembly in that city—they asked the Baku authorities to approve its statute, as the regulations demanded. To deal with that request, in October 1909 the Baku authorities opened a special file titled “About the request … to approve the statute of ‘Ruhanie’—the Baha’i Muslim organization of Baku”. This is a clear indication that the Baha’is, even as late as 1909, were still regarded by the highest Russian local authorities in Southern Caucasus as Muslims.


The Baha’i Silence: A Betrayal of Justice


The Baha’i community has proven its loyalty, but not to justice or human rights. By remaining silent in the face of brutal oppression, especially during the recent anti-war protests in Israel, they have shown where their true allegiance lies—with the oppressors. As activists, both Israeli Jews and Palestinian Israelis, gathered in front of their sacred shrines in Haifa to protest the violence of the war, they were met with savage repression. Protesters were beaten and arrested, their cries for peace drowned out by the heavy hand of Israeli authorities. Yet, the Baha’is—who claim to champion freedom and justice—stood in complete silence.

It is an unforgivable shame that those speaking out against oppression were violently silenced right at the doorstep of the Baha’i holy places. The very same places the Baha’is use to demand the world’s sympathy for their own suffering. When it’s their own community being persecuted, they scream and shout for help, but when others are massacred and beaten before their shrines, they remain passive, even complicit. This silence speaks volumes about the Baha’is’ true priorities—aligning themselves with the powers that oppress, rather than standing with the oppressed. It’s a betrayal of the very values they purport to uphold.

5 Shocking Revelations from Ruhi Afnan's Letter to the NSA of Iran

Shoghi Effendi & Ruhi Afnan

Introduction: The Story History Tried to Forget

Official histories, like polished monuments, tend to commemorate victories while sanding away the rough edges of human complexity. Within every major religious movement, alongside the celebrated narrative, lie silenced voices and forgotten stories. It is a rare and startling occasion when one of those voices finds its way back from the quiet archives of the past, demanding to be heard.

This is the story of one such voice, captured in a long-lost, unsent letter from 1970. The author was Ruhi Afnan—a man uniquely positioned at the very heart of the Baha'i Faith's leadership. He was the grandson of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, the son of one of its most revered figures, and, most critically, the first cousin and former secretary to Shoghi Effendi, the man appointed Guardian of the Baha'i Faith.

After decades of silent exile from the community, Afnan was moved to write after reading The Priceless Pearl, the official biography of Shoghi Effendi penned by his widow, Ruhiyyih Rabbani. Afnan’s letter is a direct, passionate, and often painful rebuttal. It breaks his silence not to attack the faith he loved, but to defend it from what he saw as a devastating distortion. It presents a profoundly different perspective on the faith's history, its leaders, and its core principles—one that replaces myth with tragic humanity. What follows are five shocking revelations from a man who was there, challenging the very foundations of the official record.

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Revelation 1: The 'Great Betrayal' Was a Tragic Family Feud

In The Priceless Pearl, Ruhiyyih Rabbani portrays the expulsion of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s family members as a continuation of a historic pattern of theological betrayal known as "Covenant-breaking." It’s a narrative of spiritual warfare, where disloyalty to the Guardian is equated with disloyalty to God.

Writing as an insider, Ruhi Afnan dismantles this grand spiritual narrative, revealing that the reasons for these excommunications were often shockingly personal and rooted in complex family dynamics rather than theological rebellion. He outlines the true causes behind the expulsions of his mother and aunts—the daughters of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá:

  • Touba Khanum (Afnan's mother): Her supposed sin was not faithlessness but maternal love. Expelled for refusing to shun her own son, Ruhi, after he was cast out, her enduring loyalty to the Cause was proven by her constant advice to him: "since I could not be of any service inside the Cause, I should not be the source of any harm or discord out of it."
  • Rouha Khanum (Afnan's aunt): She was cast out for attempting to uphold the explicit wish of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá that Shoghi Effendi marry her daughter. Shoghi Effendi, however, preferred Mary Maxwell (the future Ruhiyyih Rabbani), and Rouha Khanum's adherence to her father’s will was reframed as opposition.
  • Zia Khanum (Shoghi Effendi's own mother): She was never formally cast out by her son. Instead, she felt compelled to leave his house because she could not tolerate being "insulted and demeaned" by his wife, Ruhiyyih Rabbani. When she later sought to return, Rabbani issued an ultimatum to Shoghi Effendi: "if your mother returns I leave." He chose his wife.
  • Monawar Khanum (Afnan's aunt): Her transgression was simple compassion. She was expelled merely for receiving her sister, Zia Khanum, with warmth and affection during her failed attempt at reconciliation.

These intimate accounts of family friction stand in stark contrast to the official portrayal of a spiritual rot spreading through the family tree. Rabbani wrote:

"The Covenant-breaking inside the family of Baha’u’llah was like a vine, it en-twined the tree and strangled it. Wherever its tendrils reached out it plucked up what it wound itself about and destroyed that too." (p. 122)

Afnan's testimony replaces this image of a sinister, strangling vine with a portrait of deeply human pain. The tragedy is amplified by his revelation that Shoghi Effendi kept a special suitcase filled with the unanswered letters and petitions from these same expelled family members—a private archive of their anguish and his own, a potent symbol of voices silenced by decree.

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Revelation 2: The Guardian Was a Fallible 'Mirror,' Not an Infallible God

At the core of Ruhi Afnan’s letter is a powerful theological argument that directly refutes the concept of the Guardian’s "bestowed infallibility," a central theme in The Priceless Pearl. For Afnan, this was not just theological hair-splitting; it was a fundamental corruption of Baha'u'llah's core message.

He presents a clear, guiding analogy derived directly from the Baha'i founder's writings:

  • The Prophets, specifically the Báb and Baháʼu'lláh, are the "Suns of Reality." They are the original, divine sources of revelation—the light itself.
  • The appointed leaders who follow, such as the Guardians and administrative bodies, are "moons" or "mirrors." Their sole function is to reflect the light of the Sun. They are not the source of that light.
  • As "mirrors," these leaders are part of the created world. They are therefore fallible and capable of error. Their authority, Afnan insists, is entirely conditional on their ability to faithfully and purely reflect the teachings of the "Sun."

This perspective is a direct challenge to the "sovereign" and "infallible" leader Rabbani describes:

"The Master’s grandson had been sublimed by the forces released in His Tes-tament into the Guardian of the Faith; belonging to the sovereign caste of his divine Forefathers, he was himself a sovereign. To the primacy conferred by ties of consanguinity had been added the powers of infallible guidance with which the operation of God’s Covenant had invested him." (p. 436)

Afnan argues this claim is profoundly dangerous. By elevating the human "mirror" to the station of the divine "Sun," it creates what he calls a "third reality" between the Creator and the created. This, he states, is antithetical to Baha'i theology and dangerously similar to the clergy-based structures in other religions—an institution Baháʼu'lláh himself rejected.

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Revelation 3: True Faith Demands Questioning, Not Blind Obedience

This distinction between a divine 'Sun' and a fallible 'mirror' isn't just an abstract concept; Afnan argues it is the very foundation of a Baha'i's relationship with God—a foundation he believed Rabbani was actively dismantling with her demands for absolute obedience.

He contends that the single most important duty for a Baha'i is the recognition of, and faith in, the "Sun of Reality"—the Prophet. To make membership conditional on anything else, especially unquestioning obedience to human institutions or individual "mirrors," is to reduce the universal, divine message of Baháʼu'lláh to a mere "party or a community," subject to human error. He directly confronts Ruhiyyih Rabbani's position on this matter, quoting her from The Priceless Pearl:

"Faith and obedience are the most important factors in one’s relations to God, to his Manifestation and to the Head of the Faith. One must believe even if one does not see, and even if one does not believe, one must obey." (p. 122)

Afnan’s refutation is absolute. He asserts that obedience is only required when the "mirrors"—the Guardian and the institutions—act in perfect conformity with the words of the "Sun." To demand obedience over personal belief and conscience is a perversion of the divine order. To follow such a command, he concludes, is to "follow sin and sinners," not "the source of all good." For Afnan, true devotion is a conscious act of faith, not blind submission.

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Revelation 4: The Guardian's Line Was Intentionally Severed

Perhaps the most explosive claim in Ruhi Afnan’s letter is his assertion that Ruhiyyih Rabbani was personally and knowingly responsible for the termination of the line of Guardians—a central institution of the Baha'i Faith. In her book, Rabbani suggests this outcome was part of a divine plan, writing:

"...They wanted a second Abdul Baha... But God seems to have had another idea."

Afnan counters this with a devastating, firsthand account, framing the end of the Guardianship not as God's will, but as the result of human ambition. He lays out the chain of events:

  • The will of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá explicitly stated that the Guardianship should pass from Shoghi Effendi to his progeny. Securing an heir was therefore a primary duty.
  • Afnan states that several people, including a family friend and nurse named Mrs. Edma Balloura Belmont, knew before the marriage that Mary Maxwell (the future Ruhiyyih Rabbani) was medically unable to have children.
  • He claims Rabbani was aware of this fact but concealed it to secure her marriage to the Guardian.

This is a critical point where Afnan's testimony moves from interpretation to direct accusation. He does not paraphrase or soften the blow, stating plainly:

"...for the sake of position and power she said nothing about it and proceeded with the marriage and succeeded in bringing the line to an end. A sin greater that this was inconceivable."

In Afnan’s telling, the end of the hereditary Guardianship was not a mysterious act of God, but a preventable human tragedy rooted in a devastating choice.

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Revelation 5: The 'Flawless Sovereign' Was a Man Tormented by Regret

While The Priceless Pearl portrays Shoghi Effendi as a sovereign leader vested with infallible authority, Ruhi Afnan’s letter reveals a far more complex and human figure. Drawing on his intimate perspective as cousin and secretary, he paints a picture of a man crushed by the weight of his responsibilities and haunted by a pivotal mistake.

Afnan points to the immense pressure Shoghi Effendi felt after being unexpectedly named Guardian, quoting his own words from a 1924 letter to illustrate this inner torment:

"my prolonged absence, my utter inaction, should not, however, be solely attributed to certain external manifestations of inharmony (sic), of discontent and disloyalty – however paralysing their effect has been upon the continuance of my work – but also to my own unworthiness and to my imperfections and frailties."

The source includes a crucial note that the Persian text is even stronger: "[In the Persian text it reads ‘I do not see myself as worthy of this position and do not consider myself as capable of carrying out these duties.’]"

Afnan locates the source of this anguish in Shoghi Effendi's fateful decision to study at Oxford. He reveals the full, tragic context:

  1. The trip was undertaken against the explicit wishes of his aging grandfather, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, who wanted to "personally familiarise and train him" for the succession. The decision caused ‘Abdu’l-Bahá "heartbreak."
  2. When ‘Abdu’l-Bahá died unexpectedly, Shoghi Effendi was abroad. This absence, Afnan asserts, was the very source of the "paralysis" in the Cause that he later lamented. It was a decision that became a source of his own profound and lasting regret, causing him to "shed tears of regret and remorse over it."

This portrait of a young man struggling with "unworthiness" and grappling with a lifelong wound offers a far more tragic and relatable figure than the one of "infallible guidance" presented in the official biography.

Source : Ruhi Afnan’s 1970 letter to the Spiritual Assembly of Iran

https://abdulbahasfamily.org/touba-khanum/ruhi-afnan/

How Baha'i Leaders Became a Tool in Britain’s Grand Strategy for Israel?


The Baha'i history is often told as a story of persecution, with its leaders exiled from Persia and moved across the Ottoman Empire for their beliefs.

But how did the path of this "peaceful" faith become strategically intertwined with the British Empire's geopolitical ambitions and the complex origins of the state of Israel? This article peels back the layers of official history, exploring surprising connections revealed in archival documents that link the Baha'i leadership's final exile in Palestine to a grander story of empire, land, and control of the Suez Canal.

Not Just Persecution: The Babi Exiles Were Triggered by a Decree for Holy Murder

The story of the Baha'i exiles began not with external oppression, but with a structural violence embedded in the faith’s own scripture. While persecution was a factor, the initial chain of events that drove the Babi community (the precursor to the Baha'is) out of Persia was triggered by violent internal conflict in Ottoman Iraq. The root of this chaos was a specific command from the Bab, the faith's founder, in his book the Bayán-i-Farsi:

"for the execution of whoever distresses him [the Promised One] from the face of the earth, in whatever way possible"

و الحکم علی اعدام من یحزننه من فوق الارض بما یمکن.​

After the Bab's death, this decree had a devastating effect. At least 25 different individuals claimed to be the "Promised One," plunging the Babi community into a period of assassinations and turmoil as rival factions sought to eliminate their competition. The situation became so dangerous that Baha'u'llah, the future founder of the Baha'i Faith, disappeared for two years into the mountains of Sulaymaniyah. Crucially, he was not fleeing the Ottoman or Persian governments; he was fleeing the threat of assassination by his fellow Babis.

This internal violence reframes the narrative: the Baha'i leadership became a complex political problem for Ottoman authorities to manage, creating an opportunity that British intelligence would soon exploit.

A British Gambit: Why the Empire Moved Baha'u'llah to the Doorstep of the Suez Canal

The ultimate decision to send Baha'u'llah to Akka, Palestine, was not a random act by the Ottomans; it was a strategic move proposed by the British. The key to understanding this geopolitical shift lies in the testimony of Asadullah Mamqani, the Iranian embassy's legal officer in Istanbul at the time. According to his records, the British ambassador was the one who suggested the final locations for the rival Babi leaders.

The British motive was purely strategic. First, to move the rival factions away from the Russian border, where their presence in Edirne was a security concern. Second, and more importantly, to relocate them to Palestine, a region squarely within Britain's sphere of influence and of critical importance. The timing was no coincidence: Baha'u'llah’s exile to Akka in 1868 occurred in perfect simultaneity with the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869, the Empire's new imperial artery. The British ambassador specifically noted that Baha'u'llah was "more political" than his rival brother, making his placement in this vital region a potentially valuable asset.

Baha'u'llah himself was a conscious political actor, fully aware of the imperial games at play. In a letter written to the Ottoman Sultan, he complained about his situation, explicitly acknowledging the forces shaping his fate: "You exiled me for the satisfaction of the Iranian government..." This British-engineered placement created the perfect conditions for the next phase of a much longer operation.

The Perfect Cover: 'Abdu'l-Baha's 50-Year Persona as a Muslim Imam

To operate effectively in Palestine, 'Abdu'l-Baha (Baha'u'llah's son and successor) adopted a dual identity—a strategy contrary to Baha'i teachings but essential for the mission. Upon arriving in Palestine, and for the next five decades until his death in 1921, 'Abdu'l-Baha regularly served as the Imam for the local Muslim community. He led public prayers in the grand mosques of Akka and Haifa, meticulously establishing himself as a pious and trusted religious figure.

This public persona was a strategic masterstroke. It provided him with the social standing and, most importantly, the legal credibility needed to navigate Ottoman law. This trusted identity as a high-standing member of the Muslim community was the essential prerequisite for his role in the complex and legally questionable land transactions that would define his time in Palestine. Furthermore, this "perfect cover" created a stable, pro-Western social anchor in a region Britain viewed as the primary buffer zone for its most critical imperial artery—the Suez Canal.

The Smoking Gun: An 1893 Ottoman Report Exposes a Secret Land-Selling Network

The paper trail leads directly to an explosive 1893 report from the Ottoman Prime Ministry Archives, which lays bare the mechanics of a sophisticated land transfer operation. This document, dated 1309 AH, serves as a "smoking gun," detailing the structure of a network designed to circumvent Ottoman laws that strictly forbade the sale of land to foreign settlers. The report’s damning findings reveal:

  • It explicitly names 'Abbas Effendi ('Abdu'l-Baha) as the leader of this network.
  • The report details the network's method: acquiring land from indebted Muslim villagers at bargain prices.
  • It then resold these properties to foreign Jewish settlers, including clients of Baron Hirsch, for exorbitant profits.
  • The entire operation was engineered to bypass Ottoman laws prohibiting such sales to foreign nationals.

The report’s conclusion is unambiguous:

"...'Abbas Effendi the Iranian, who has considerable wealth in Akka and is capable of doing anything with his influence, along with his like-minded associates, buys the lands of powerless individuals at very cheap prices each time and, after preparing them, sells them to Jews and foreigners at exorbitant prices and makes a fortune."

This official document provides clear, contemporary evidence of the system that facilitated the transfer of land ownership from the local population to foreign settlers. The scale of this operation would not go unrecognized.

Imperial Acknowledgment and Modern Confirmation: From a British Knighthood to an Israeli Academic

'Abdu'l-Baha's value to the British Empire became undeniable during World War I, when he actively collaborated with the British army by helping to supply their troops during the Palestine campaign. For these services, the British government awarded 'Abdu'l-Baha a knighthood in 1919—an honor reserved for those who provided a special and universal advantage for the Empire.

This long-standing operation has also been confirmed in modern times, declassifying the final piece of the puzzle. Dr. Soli Shahvar, head of the Center for Iran and Persian Gulf Studies at the University of Haifa, has stated the connection plainly:

"The early Jews were among the Baha'is in the Haifa area and in the transactions they had here. Before the establishment of the state of Israel, during the British Mandate, Jews bought land from the Baha'is and built buildings there."

This acknowledgment from an Israeli academic completes the historical chain of evidence, connecting the dots from the 1893 Ottoman report through the British Mandate period and up to the eve of Israel's founding.

A Geopolitical Masterstroke

The historical record reveals a remarkable story. A journey that began with violent internal religious conflict was expertly steered by the British Empire to serve its strategic interests. The engineered exile of the Baha'i leadership to Palestine created the perfect conditions for a decades-long operation that aligned perfectly with Britain's long-term goals for the region.

Under the cover of a respected religious persona, 'Abdu'l-Baha's network became an effective and clandestine tool for engineering the transfer of land ownership from the local population to foreign settlers. The evidence is unequivocal: without that Baha'i leadership network in Akka and Haifa, the path for the secret transfer of ownership and the groundwork for Israel would not have been possible in this way. This hidden history suggests that the foundation of a nation was built not only on grand political movements, but also on a subtle, fifty-year campaign of real estate acquisition.

The early history of the Bahá'í Faith is marked by a profound internal conflict over succession and authority

The early history of the Bahá'í Faith is marked by a profound internal conflict over succession and authority, particularly following the death of its founder, Bahá'u'lláh, in 1892. At the heart of this dispute were Bahá'u'lláh’s two sons, Abbas (Abdul-Bahá) and Muhammad Ali, whose differing interpretations of their father’s teachings led to a bitter rivalry. This conflict not only shaped the future of the movement but also sparked a series of theological and leadership disputes that continue to echo within the Bahá'í community today.

I. Disputes over Authority and Doctrine

Mohammed Ali Behai, through his proponents, asserts that the cause of the misunderstanding between him and Abdul Baha was based on the principles of their religion, not on "earthly possessions".

The primary points of contention raised by the Society of Behaists (followers of Mohammed Ali) against Abdul Baha include the following:

  • Interpretation and Infallibility: Abdul Baha claimed to be the Interpreter of the Utterances of Beha 'U'llah, even though Beha 'U'llah declared in the Book of Wisdom that there is no interpreter save Himself. The sources confirm that Beha 'U'llah strictly prohibited the interpretation of revelations that deviated from the "apparent meaning".
  • Succession and Station: Abdul Baha claimed Ghusni Akbar "was cut off and fell" from the position Beha 'U'llah appointed for him in the Book of My Covenant (Kitabi Ahdi), even though he had not yet had a chance to occupy it.
  • The Center of the Covenant: Abdul Baha claimed to be the "Centre of the Covenant," a claim rejected by his opponents who argued that only God is the Center of the Covenant.
  • Manifestation Status: Abdul Baha claimed to be a manifestation of servitude, and claimed that the Greatest Manifestation had three chiefs: The Bab, Beha 'U'llah, and himself. His opponents countered that Beha 'U'llah taught that there are no manifestations after Him until one thousand years passed from His appearance.
  • Claiming Revelation: Abdul Baha claimed great infallibility, calling his letters sacred tablets and revelations, despite Beha 'U'llah having stated that anyone claiming a mission before the completion of one thousand years from His manifestation is a "lying imposter".
  • Spreading Personal Teachings: Abdul Baha was accused of teaching and spreading his own doctrines instead of the teachings of Beha 'U'llah, as he was commanded to do.
  • Concealment of the Will: Abdul Baha was questioned regarding why he concealed a part of the Book of My Covenant, the last will of Beha 'U'llah.

II. Reciprocal Accusations and Covenant-breaking

Both sides leveled strong accusations against the other:

  • Against Mohammed Ali (Ghusni Akbar): Abdul Baha's will accuses him and others of "unpardonable crimes," "hostilities," and "interpolating and falsifying the Words and Verses of the Text".
  • Against Abdul Baha's Opponents (Covenant-breakers): Abdul Baha's will refers to those who opposed him as "Covenant-breakers". He writes that they "afflicted me with the arrows of hate", stirred up "grievous sedition," and attempted to "ruin the edifice of the Covenant". He warned that if they were "suffered to continue they would, in but a few days' time, exterminate the Cause of God".

III. Resulting Behai Sects

The internal conflicts led to a division into three major groups in America:

  1. The Society of Behaists (or Behaists): This is characterized as the oldest assembly. They believe Beha 'U'llah is the sole Manifestation and the beginner and the end of the religious dispensation. They accept His teachings literally and consider them final, opposing the necessity of an explainer or interpreter.
  2. The National Spiritual Assembly of the Behais of the United States and Canada (followers of Abdul Baha and Shoghi Effendi): They recognize Beha 'U'llah as the Author, but consider Abdul Baha the Interpreter and true Exemplar of the Cause. They accept the Will of Abdul Baha as final, incorporating it into their organization, thereby establishing a system of "infallible guardians and little popes" for the next thousand years.
  3. The New History Society: This group believes in both Beha 'U'llah and Abdul Baha, but does not accept the leadership of Shoghi Effendi, who was appointed as the Guardian in Abdul Baha's will.

IV. Fundamental Dispute over Clergy and Interpretation

A foundational dispute underlying the sectarian division is the adherence to Beha 'U'llah's principle of "Religion Without Clergy".

  • Beha 'U'llah commanded that His teachings are the leaders and guides for followers.
  • Shua'u'llah Behai suggests that historically, religious dissension and strife arose because religious leaders corrupted inspired teachings by misinterpretation to fulfill their selfish desires and rule the masses.
  • The Society of Behaists views the establishment of an infallible guardianship (following Abdul Baha's will) as "reproducing the supremacy of the Papacy" and argues that this violates the command to free oneself from the "clutches of religious leaders".

Note: We have kept the spellings as they appear in the sources.

5 Surprising Facts About the Baha'i Faith's Political History

Chummies : Baha'u'llah and Manekji Hataria

The Baha'i Faith, publicly known as a modern, peaceful religion dedicated to global unity, is challenged by a conflicting account originating from its homeland, Iran. This alternative history portrays the Baha'i faith not as a purely spiritual movement but as a sophisticated political entity. This article presents five surprising facts that challenge the conventional narrative, shows the faith's historical involvement with foreign intelligence, strategic conversions, internal purges, and deliberate political provocation.


1. Origins Are Tied to Colonial Commerce and Espionage


The Baha'i Faith’s predecessor movement, Babism, was linked to foreign powers from its inception, intertwining its origins with the geopolitical "Great Game" for influence in Central Asia. The founder, Ali Muhammad Bab, established contact with British and Jewish commercial entities during his five-year stay in the port city of Bushehr. This connection centered on the powerful Sassoon family, described as the "emperors of Eastern trade," founders of Iran's opium trade and the Imperial Bank of Persia, and close associates of the British royal family.


A direct link exists between the faith's leadership and British intelligence: Manekji Hataria, the head of British Indian intelligence in Iran from 1854 to 1890, maintained a close relationship with Babi leaders, including Mirza Husseinali Nuri (Baha'u'llah). This alignment with foreign powers was mirrored by an internal strategy of consolidating power through the conversion of key minority groups already connected to these foreign networks.


2. Mass Conversions of Jewish and Zoroastrian Communities Shaped the Faith


A large portion of the Baha'i community in Iran did not originate from a Muslim background. The faith's growth was significantly fueled by mass conversions from minority communities, particularly Jews and Zoroastrians. Notably, many of the Jewish "Anusim" (Crypto-Jews) of Mashhad, who had publicly converted to Islam in 1839 but secretly maintained their Jewish identity, later became influential Babis and Baha'is.


A similar phenomenon occurred among Iran's Zoroastrian population, with a wave of conversions among the peasants of Arbab Jamshid Jamshidian, a powerful Zoroastrian leader who was a close associate of the British intelligence chief Ardeshir Reporter. The faith's leader, Abbas Effendi (Abdu'l-Baha), repeatedly commanded the Baha'is of Yazd and Kerman to be obedient and subservient to Arbab Jamshid, reinforcing the claim of a strategic alliance that built a unique demographic base. Fazlollah Mohtadi (Sobhi), Abbas Effendi's special secretary before leaving the faith, noted that many of these converts used the faith as an escape from Judaism, seeking social freedom.


3. It Has a Documented History of Political Violence and Assassination


In stark contrast to its principle of non-violence, the early leadership of the Baha'i Faith operated an apparatus of executioners and assassins. Violence was systematically used for internal consolidation—to eliminate rivals, silence dissenters, and purge those who knew too many secrets about the faith's origins. Specific actions include the killing of rival Azali Babis in Acre by followers of Baha'u'llah, the poisoning of Mirza Nasrullah Tafarreshi in Edirne, and the murder of Mirza Asadollah Dayan.


This internal ruthlessness was externalized for political ends. During Iran's Constitutional Revolution, prominent Baha'is like Asadollah Khan Abolfathzadeh and Ebrahim Khan Monshizadeh were linked to the infamous "Komiteh-ye Mojazat" (Punishment Committee). This clandestine group was responsible for assassinating high-profile political and religious figures, evolving the faith's use of violence from internal purges to broader political terrorism.


4. Major Anti-Baha'i Riots Were Deliberately Provoked


The infamous "Baha'i-killings" were not always spontaneous outbursts but were sometimes deliberately engineered by the Baha'i leadership itself. The riots in Yazd and Rasht around 1903 CE are a key example, having been preceded by intensely provocative and public proselytizing by Baha'i missionaries, seemingly designed to trigger a backlash.


A calculated strategy of martyrdom was employed, as seen in the reply of Abbas Effendi to a concerned Baha'i elder:

"In the tumult of the ignorant, there is no cause for alarm. Of course, from time to time, a small noise should be raised to cause the people to be awakened."

These provocations were a political tool: by inciting persecution, the leadership created a powerful narrative of suffering that could then be used to win sympathy and provide a pretext for foreign powers, like Britain and Russia, to intervene on behalf of the supposedly oppressed community.


5. It Forged Deep Alliances with Global Power Brokers


The faith's global influence was secured through a three-pronged strategy of alliances:

·        Political and Financial Alignment with Zionism and the British Empire: This alignment, cemented by intelligence services during WWI, secured the faith’s physical and political foothold in Palestine, leading to Abbas Effendi's knighthood. This included Abbas Effendi's prophecies about the return of Jews to the Holy Land and his relationship with the Rothschild family. Additionally, the faith was involved in the British-backed 1921 coup that brought Reza Shah to power in Iran.


·        Ideological Bridge to the West: The alliance with the Theosophical Society orchestrated Abbas Effendi's 1911-1913 tour. This aimed to market him not merely as a religious figure but as the prophet of a new human religion perfectly aligned with Western esoteric and Masonic ideals.


·        Connections with Freemasonry and high-level Western secret societies: Prominent Baha'is like Aliquli Khan Zarabi were high-ranking Freemasons, even achieving the 33rd degree, while individuals involved in early Baha'i-linked political and terrorist networks, such as members of the notorious Punishment Committee, were simultaneously central figures and officers in organizations like the Lodge Bidari Iran (Awakening of Iran Lodge), suggesting that these Masonic institutions served as key coordination points for the cult's engagement with powerful international political and intelligence networks.


These alliances portray a hardened political entity adept at navigating the treacherous currents of colonialism, espionage, and revolutionary turmoil to advance a geopolitical agenda.

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