5 Shocking Revelations from Ruhi Afnan's Letter to the NSA of Iran

Shoghi Effendi & Ruhi Afnan

Introduction: The Story History Tried to Forget

Official histories, like polished monuments, tend to commemorate victories while sanding away the rough edges of human complexity. Within every major religious movement, alongside the celebrated narrative, lie silenced voices and forgotten stories. It is a rare and startling occasion when one of those voices finds its way back from the quiet archives of the past, demanding to be heard.

This is the story of one such voice, captured in a long-lost, unsent letter from 1970. The author was Ruhi Afnan—a man uniquely positioned at the very heart of the Baha'i Faith's leadership. He was the grandson of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, the son of one of its most revered figures, and, most critically, the first cousin and former secretary to Shoghi Effendi, the man appointed Guardian of the Baha'i Faith.

After decades of silent exile from the community, Afnan was moved to write after reading The Priceless Pearl, the official biography of Shoghi Effendi penned by his widow, Ruhiyyih Rabbani. Afnan’s letter is a direct, passionate, and often painful rebuttal. It breaks his silence not to attack the faith he loved, but to defend it from what he saw as a devastating distortion. It presents a profoundly different perspective on the faith's history, its leaders, and its core principles—one that replaces myth with tragic humanity. What follows are five shocking revelations from a man who was there, challenging the very foundations of the official record.

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Revelation 1: The 'Great Betrayal' Was a Tragic Family Feud

In The Priceless Pearl, Ruhiyyih Rabbani portrays the expulsion of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s family members as a continuation of a historic pattern of theological betrayal known as "Covenant-breaking." It’s a narrative of spiritual warfare, where disloyalty to the Guardian is equated with disloyalty to God.

Writing as an insider, Ruhi Afnan dismantles this grand spiritual narrative, revealing that the reasons for these excommunications were often shockingly personal and rooted in complex family dynamics rather than theological rebellion. He outlines the true causes behind the expulsions of his mother and aunts—the daughters of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá:

• Touba Khanum (Afnan's mother): Her supposed sin was not faithlessness but maternal love. Expelled for refusing to shun her own son, Ruhi, after he was cast out, her enduring loyalty to the Cause was proven by her constant advice to him: "since I could not be of any service inside the Cause, I should not be the source of any harm or discord out of it."
• Rouha Khanum (Afnan's aunt): She was cast out for attempting to uphold the explicit wish of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá that Shoghi Effendi marry her daughter. Shoghi Effendi, however, preferred Mary Maxwell (the future Ruhiyyih Rabbani), and Rouha Khanum's adherence to her father’s will was reframed as opposition.
• Zia Khanum (Shoghi Effendi's own mother): She was never formally cast out by her son. Instead, she felt compelled to leave his house because she could not tolerate being "insulted and demeaned" by his wife, Ruhiyyih Rabbani. When she later sought to return, Rabbani issued an ultimatum to Shoghi Effendi: "if your mother returns I leave." He chose his wife.
• Monawar Khanum (Afnan's aunt): Her transgression was simple compassion. She was expelled merely for receiving her sister, Zia Khanum, with warmth and affection during her failed attempt at reconciliation.

These intimate accounts of family friction stand in stark contrast to the official portrayal of a spiritual rot spreading through the family tree. Rabbani wrote:

"The Covenant-breaking inside the family of Baha’u’llah was like a vine, it en-twined the tree and strangled it. Wherever its tendrils reached out it plucked up what it wound itself about and destroyed that too." (p. 122)

Afnan's testimony replaces this image of a sinister, strangling vine with a portrait of deeply human pain. The tragedy is amplified by his revelation that Shoghi Effendi kept a special suitcase filled with the unanswered letters and petitions from these same expelled family members—a private archive of their anguish and his own, a potent symbol of voices silenced by decree.

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Revelation 2: The Guardian Was a Fallible 'Mirror,' Not an Infallible God

At the core of Ruhi Afnan’s letter is a powerful theological argument that directly refutes the concept of the Guardian’s "bestowed infallibility," a central theme in The Priceless Pearl. For Afnan, this was not just theological hair-splitting; it was a fundamental corruption of Baha'u'llah's core message.

He presents a clear, guiding analogy derived directly from the Baha'i founder's writings:

• The Prophets, specifically the Báb and Baháʼu'lláh, are the "Suns of Reality." They are the original, divine sources of revelation—the light itself.
• The appointed leaders who follow, such as the Guardians and administrative bodies, are "moons" or "mirrors." Their sole function is to reflect the light of the Sun. They are not the source of that light.
• As "mirrors," these leaders are part of the created world. They are therefore fallible and capable of error. Their authority, Afnan insists, is entirely conditional on their ability to faithfully and purely reflect the teachings of the "Sun."

This perspective is a direct challenge to the "sovereign" and "infallible" leader Rabbani describes:

"The Master’s grandson had been sublimed by the forces released in His Tes-tament into the Guardian of the Faith; belonging to the sovereign caste of his divine Forefathers, he was himself a sovereign. To the primacy conferred by ties of consanguinity had been added the powers of infallible guidance with which the operation of God’s Covenant had invested him." (p. 436)

Afnan argues this claim is profoundly dangerous. By elevating the human "mirror" to the station of the divine "Sun," it creates what he calls a "third reality" between the Creator and the created. This, he states, is antithetical to Baha'i theology and dangerously similar to the clergy-based structures in other religions—an institution Baháʼu'lláh himself rejected.

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Revelation 3: True Faith Demands Questioning, Not Blind Obedience

This distinction between a divine 'Sun' and a fallible 'mirror' isn't just an abstract concept; Afnan argues it is the very foundation of a Baha'i's relationship with God—a foundation he believed Rabbani was actively dismantling with her demands for absolute obedience.

He contends that the single most important duty for a Baha'i is the recognition of, and faith in, the "Sun of Reality"—the Prophet. To make membership conditional on anything else, especially unquestioning obedience to human institutions or individual "mirrors," is to reduce the universal, divine message of Baháʼu'lláh to a mere "party or a community," subject to human error. He directly confronts Ruhiyyih Rabbani's position on this matter, quoting her from The Priceless Pearl:

"Faith and obedience are the most important factors in one’s relations to God, to his Manifestation and to the Head of the Faith. One must believe even if one does not see, and even if one does not believe, one must obey." (p. 122)

Afnan’s refutation is absolute. He asserts that obedience is only required when the "mirrors"—the Guardian and the institutions—act in perfect conformity with the words of the "Sun." To demand obedience over personal belief and conscience is a perversion of the divine order. To follow such a command, he concludes, is to "follow sin and sinners," not "the source of all good." For Afnan, true devotion is a conscious act of faith, not blind submission.

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Revelation 4: The Guardian's Line Was Intentionally Severed

Perhaps the most explosive claim in Ruhi Afnan’s letter is his assertion that Ruhiyyih Rabbani was personally and knowingly responsible for the termination of the line of Guardians—a central institution of the Baha'i Faith. In her book, Rabbani suggests this outcome was part of a divine plan, writing:

"...They wanted a second Abdul Baha... But God seems to have had another idea."

Afnan counters this with a devastating, firsthand account, framing the end of the Guardianship not as God's will, but as the result of human ambition. He lays out the chain of events:

• The will of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá explicitly stated that the Guardianship should pass from Shoghi Effendi to his progeny. Securing an heir was therefore a primary duty.
• Afnan states that several people, including a family friend and nurse named Mrs. Edma Balloura Belmont, knew before the marriage that Mary Maxwell (the future Ruhiyyih Rabbani) was medically unable to have children.
• He claims Rabbani was aware of this fact but concealed it to secure her marriage to the Guardian.

This is a critical point where Afnan's testimony moves from interpretation to direct accusation. He does not paraphrase or soften the blow, stating plainly:

"...for the sake of position and power she said nothing about it and proceeded with the marriage and succeeded in bringing the line to an end. A sin greater that this was inconceivable."

In Afnan’s telling, the end of the hereditary Guardianship was not a mysterious act of God, but a preventable human tragedy rooted in a devastating choice.

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Revelation 5: The 'Flawless Sovereign' Was a Man Tormented by Regret

While The Priceless Pearl portrays Shoghi Effendi as a sovereign leader vested with infallible authority, Ruhi Afnan’s letter reveals a far more complex and human figure. Drawing on his intimate perspective as cousin and secretary, he paints a picture of a man crushed by the weight of his responsibilities and haunted by a pivotal mistake.

Afnan points to the immense pressure Shoghi Effendi felt after being unexpectedly named Guardian, quoting his own words from a 1924 letter to illustrate this inner torment:

"my prolonged absence, my utter inaction, should not, however, be solely attributed to certain external manifestations of inharmony (sic), of discontent and disloyalty – however paralysing their effect has been upon the continuance of my work – but also to my own unworthiness and to my imperfections and frailties."

The source includes a crucial note that the Persian text is even stronger: "[In the Persian text it reads ‘I do not see myself as worthy of this position and do not consider myself as capable of carrying out these duties.’]"

Afnan locates the source of this anguish in Shoghi Effendi's fateful decision to study at Oxford. He reveals the full, tragic context:

1. The trip was undertaken against the explicit wishes of his aging grandfather, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, who wanted to "personally familiarise and train him" for the succession. The decision caused ‘Abdu’l-Bahá "heartbreak."
2. When ‘Abdu’l-Bahá died unexpectedly, Shoghi Effendi was abroad. This absence, Afnan asserts, was the very source of the "paralysis" in the Cause that he later lamented. It was a decision that became a source of his own profound and lasting regret, causing him to "shed tears of regret and remorse over it."

This portrait of a young man struggling with "unworthiness" and grappling with a lifelong wound offers a far more tragic and relatable figure than the one of "infallible guidance" presented in the official biography.

Source : Ruhi Afnan’s 1970 letter to the Spiritual Assembly of Iran

https://abdulbahasfamily.org/touba-khanum/ruhi-afnan/

How Baha'i Leaders Became a Tool in Britain’s Grand Strategy for Israel?

The Baha'i history is often told as a story of persecution, with its leaders exiled from Persia and moved across the Ottoman Empire for their beliefs.

But how did the path of this "peaceful" faith become strategically intertwined with the British Empire's geopolitical ambitions and the complex origins of the state of Israel? This article peels back the layers of official history, exploring surprising connections revealed in archival documents that link the Baha'i leadership's final exile in Palestine to a grander story of empire, land, and control of the Suez Canal.

Not Just Persecution: The Babi Exiles Were Triggered by a Decree for Holy Murder

The story of the Baha'i exiles began not with external oppression, but with a structural violence embedded in the faith’s own scripture. While persecution was a factor, the initial chain of events that drove the Babi community (the precursor to the Baha'is) out of Persia was triggered by violent internal conflict in Ottoman Iraq. The root of this chaos was a specific command from the Bab, the faith's founder, in his book the Bayán-i-Farsi:

"for the execution of whoever distresses him [the Promised One] from the face of the earth, in whatever way possible"

و الحکم علی اعدام من یحزننه من فوق الارض بما یمکن.​

After the Bab's death, this decree had a devastating effect. At least 25 different individuals claimed to be the "Promised One," plunging the Babi community into a period of assassinations and turmoil as rival factions sought to eliminate their competition. The situation became so dangerous that Baha'u'llah, the future founder of the Baha'i Faith, disappeared for two years into the mountains of Sulaymaniyah. Crucially, he was not fleeing the Ottoman or Persian governments; he was fleeing the threat of assassination by his fellow Babis.

This internal violence reframes the narrative: the Baha'i leadership became a complex political problem for Ottoman authorities to manage, creating an opportunity that British intelligence would soon exploit.

A British Gambit: Why the Empire Moved Baha'u'llah to the Doorstep of the Suez Canal

The ultimate decision to send Baha'u'llah to Akka, Palestine, was not a random act by the Ottomans; it was a strategic move proposed by the British. The key to understanding this geopolitical shift lies in the testimony of Asadullah Mamqani, the Iranian embassy's legal officer in Istanbul at the time. According to his records, the British ambassador was the one who suggested the final locations for the rival Babi leaders.

The British motive was purely strategic. First, to move the rival factions away from the Russian border, where their presence in Edirne was a security concern. Second, and more importantly, to relocate them to Palestine, a region squarely within Britain's sphere of influence and of critical importance. The timing was no coincidence: Baha'u'llah’s exile to Akka in 1868 occurred in perfect simultaneity with the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869, the Empire's new imperial artery. The British ambassador specifically noted that Baha'u'llah was "more political" than his rival brother, making his placement in this vital region a potentially valuable asset.

Baha'u'llah himself was a conscious political actor, fully aware of the imperial games at play. In a letter written to the Ottoman Sultan, he complained about his situation, explicitly acknowledging the forces shaping his fate: "You exiled me for the satisfaction of the Iranian government..." This British-engineered placement created the perfect conditions for the next phase of a much longer operation.

The Perfect Cover: 'Abdu'l-Baha's 50-Year Persona as a Muslim Imam

To operate effectively in Palestine, 'Abdu'l-Baha (Baha'u'llah's son and successor) adopted a dual identity—a strategy contrary to Baha'i teachings but essential for the mission. Upon arriving in Palestine, and for the next five decades until his death in 1921, 'Abdu'l-Baha regularly served as the Imam for the local Muslim community. He led public prayers in the grand mosques of Akka and Haifa, meticulously establishing himself as a pious and trusted religious figure.

This public persona was a strategic masterstroke. It provided him with the social standing and, most importantly, the legal credibility needed to navigate Ottoman law. This trusted identity as a high-standing member of the Muslim community was the essential prerequisite for his role in the complex and legally questionable land transactions that would define his time in Palestine. Furthermore, this "perfect cover" created a stable, pro-Western social anchor in a region Britain viewed as the primary buffer zone for its most critical imperial artery—the Suez Canal.

The Smoking Gun: An 1893 Ottoman Report Exposes a Secret Land-Selling Network

The paper trail leads directly to an explosive 1893 report from the Ottoman Prime Ministry Archives, which lays bare the mechanics of a sophisticated land transfer operation. This document, dated 1309 AH, serves as a "smoking gun," detailing the structure of a network designed to circumvent Ottoman laws that strictly forbade the sale of land to foreign settlers. The report’s damning findings reveal:

• It explicitly names 'Abbas Effendi ('Abdu'l-Baha) as the leader of this network.
• The report details the network's method: acquiring land from indebted Muslim villagers at bargain prices.
• It then resold these properties to foreign Jewish settlers, including clients of Baron Hirsch, for exorbitant profits.
• The entire operation was engineered to bypass Ottoman laws prohibiting such sales to foreign nationals.

The report’s conclusion is unambiguous:

"...'Abbas Effendi the Iranian, who has considerable wealth in Akka and is capable of doing anything with his influence, along with his like-minded associates, buys the lands of powerless individuals at very cheap prices each time and, after preparing them, sells them to Jews and foreigners at exorbitant prices and makes a fortune."

This official document provides clear, contemporary evidence of the system that facilitated the transfer of land ownership from the local population to foreign settlers. The scale of this operation would not go unrecognized.

Imperial Acknowledgment and Modern Confirmation: From a British Knighthood to an Israeli Academic

'Abdu'l-Baha's value to the British Empire became undeniable during World War I, when he actively collaborated with the British army by helping to supply their troops during the Palestine campaign. For these services, the British government awarded 'Abdu'l-Baha a knighthood in 1919—an honor reserved for those who provided a special and universal advantage for the Empire.

This long-standing operation has also been confirmed in modern times, declassifying the final piece of the puzzle. Dr. Soli Shahvar, head of the Center for Iran and Persian Gulf Studies at the University of Haifa, has stated the connection plainly:

"The early Jews were among the Baha'is in the Haifa area and in the transactions they had here. Before the establishment of the state of Israel, during the British Mandate, Jews bought land from the Baha'is and built buildings there."

This acknowledgment from an Israeli academic completes the historical chain of evidence, connecting the dots from the 1893 Ottoman report through the British Mandate period and up to the eve of Israel's founding.

A Geopolitical Masterstroke

The historical record reveals a remarkable story. A journey that began with violent internal religious conflict was expertly steered by the British Empire to serve its strategic interests. The engineered exile of the Baha'i leadership to Palestine created the perfect conditions for a decades-long operation that aligned perfectly with Britain's long-term goals for the region.

Under the cover of a respected religious persona, 'Abdu'l-Baha's network became an effective and clandestine tool for engineering the transfer of land ownership from the local population to foreign settlers. The evidence is unequivocal: without that Baha'i leadership network in Akka and Haifa, the path for the secret transfer of ownership and the groundwork for Israel would not have been possible in this way. This hidden history suggests that the foundation of a nation was built not only on grand political movements, but also on a subtle, fifty-year campaign of real estate acquisition.

The early history of the Bahá'í Faith is marked by a profound internal conflict over succession and authority

The early history of the Bahá'í Faith is marked by a profound internal conflict over succession and authority, particularly following the death of its founder, Bahá'u'lláh, in 1892. At the heart of this dispute were Bahá'u'lláh’s two sons, Abbas (Abdul-Bahá) and Muhammad Ali, whose differing interpretations of their father’s teachings led to a bitter rivalry. This conflict not only shaped the future of the movement but also sparked a series of theological and leadership disputes that continue to echo within the Bahá'í community today.

I. Disputes over Authority and Doctrine

Mohammed Ali Behai, through his proponents, asserts that the cause of the misunderstanding between him and Abdul Baha was based on the principles of their religion, not on "earthly possessions".

The primary points of contention raised by the Society of Behaists (followers of Mohammed Ali) against Abdul Baha include the following:

• Interpretation and Infallibility: Abdul Baha claimed to be the Interpreter of the Utterances of Beha 'U'llah, even though Beha 'U'llah declared in the Book of Wisdom that there is no interpreter save Himself. The sources confirm that Beha 'U'llah strictly prohibited the interpretation of revelations that deviated from the "apparent meaning".
• Succession and Station: Abdul Baha claimed Ghusni Akbar "was cut off and fell" from the position Beha 'U'llah appointed for him in the Book of My Covenant (Kitabi Ahdi), even though he had not yet had a chance to occupy it.
• The Center of the Covenant: Abdul Baha claimed to be the "Centre of the Covenant," a claim rejected by his opponents who argued that only God is the Center of the Covenant.
• Manifestation Status: Abdul Baha claimed to be a manifestation of servitude, and claimed that the Greatest Manifestation had three chiefs: The Bab, Beha 'U'llah, and himself. His opponents countered that Beha 'U'llah taught that there are no manifestations after Him until one thousand years passed from His appearance.
• Claiming Revelation: Abdul Baha claimed great infallibility, calling his letters sacred tablets and revelations, despite Beha 'U'llah having stated that anyone claiming a mission before the completion of one thousand years from His manifestation is a "lying imposter".
• Spreading Personal Teachings: Abdul Baha was accused of teaching and spreading his own doctrines instead of the teachings of Beha 'U'llah, as he was commanded to do.
• Concealment of the Will: Abdul Baha was questioned regarding why he concealed a part of the Book of My Covenant, the last will of Beha 'U'llah.

II. Reciprocal Accusations and Covenant-breaking

Both sides leveled strong accusations against the other:

• Against Mohammed Ali (Ghusni Akbar): Abdul Baha's will accuses him and others of "unpardonable crimes," "hostilities," and "interpolating and falsifying the Words and Verses of the Text".
• Against Abdul Baha's Opponents (Covenant-breakers): Abdul Baha's will refers to those who opposed him as "Covenant-breakers". He writes that they "afflicted me with the arrows of hate", stirred up "grievous sedition," and attempted to "ruin the edifice of the Covenant". He warned that if they were "suffered to continue they would, in but a few days' time, exterminate the Cause of God".

III. Resulting Behai Sects

The internal conflicts led to a division into three major groups in America:

1. The Society of Behaists (or Behaists): This is characterized as the oldest assembly. They believe Beha 'U'llah is the sole Manifestation and the beginner and the end of the religious dispensation. They accept His teachings literally and consider them final, opposing the necessity of an explainer or interpreter.
2. The National Spiritual Assembly of the Behais of the United States and Canada (followers of Abdul Baha and Shoghi Effendi): They recognize Beha 'U'llah as the Author, but consider Abdul Baha the Interpreter and true Exemplar of the Cause. They accept the Will of Abdul Baha as final, incorporating it into their organization, thereby establishing a system of "infallible guardians and little popes" for the next thousand years.
3. The New History Society: This group believes in both Beha 'U'llah and Abdul Baha, but does not accept the leadership of Shoghi Effendi, who was appointed as the Guardian in Abdul Baha's will.

IV. Fundamental Dispute over Clergy and Interpretation

A foundational dispute underlying the sectarian division is the adherence to Beha 'U'llah's principle of "Religion Without Clergy".

• Beha 'U'llah commanded that His teachings are the leaders and guides for followers.
• Shua'u'llah Behai suggests that historically, religious dissension and strife arose because religious leaders corrupted inspired teachings by misinterpretation to fulfill their selfish desires and rule the masses.
• The Society of Behaists views the establishment of an infallible guardianship (following Abdul Baha's will) as "reproducing the supremacy of the Papacy" and argues that this violates the command to free oneself from the "clutches of religious leaders".

Note: We have kept the spellings as they appear in the sources.

Source : https://www.h-net.org/~bahai/docs/vol8/bq.htm

5 Surprising Facts About the Baha'i Faith's Political History

Chummies : Baha'u'llah and Manekji Hataria

The Baha'i Faith, publicly known as a modern, peaceful religion dedicated to global unity, is challenged by a conflicting account originating from its homeland, Iran. This alternative history portrays the Baha'i faith not as a purely spiritual movement but as a sophisticated political entity. This article presents five surprising facts that challenge the conventional narrative, shows the faith's historical involvement with foreign intelligence, strategic conversions, internal purges, and deliberate political provocation.

1. Origins Are Tied to Colonial Commerce and Espionage

The Baha'i Faith’s predecessor movement, Babism, was linked to foreign powers from its inception, intertwining its origins with the geopolitical "Great Game" for influence in Central Asia. The founder, Ali Muhammad Bab, established contact with British and Jewish commercial entities during his five-year stay in the port city of Bushehr. This connection centered on the powerful Sassoon family, described as the "emperors of Eastern trade," founders of Iran's opium trade and the Imperial Bank of Persia, and close associates of the British royal family.

A direct link exists between the faith's leadership and British intelligence: Manekji Hataria, the head of British Indian intelligence in Iran from 1854 to 1890, maintained a close relationship with Babi leaders, including Mirza Husseinali Nuri (Baha'u'llah). This alignment with foreign powers was mirrored by an internal strategy of consolidating power through the conversion of key minority groups already connected to these foreign networks.

2. Mass Conversions of Jewish and Zoroastrian Communities Shaped the Faith

A large portion of the Baha'i community in Iran did not originate from a Muslim background. The faith's growth was significantly fueled by mass conversions from minority communities, particularly Jews and Zoroastrians. Notably, many of the Jewish "Anusim" (Crypto-Jews) of Mashhad, who had publicly converted to Islam in 1839 but secretly maintained their Jewish identity, later became influential Babis and Baha'is.

A similar phenomenon occurred among Iran's Zoroastrian population, with a wave of conversions among the peasants of Arbab Jamshid Jamshidian, a powerful Zoroastrian leader who was a close associate of the British intelligence chief Ardeshir Reporter. The faith's leader, Abbas Effendi (Abdu'l-Baha), repeatedly commanded the Baha'is of Yazd and Kerman to be obedient and subservient to Arbab Jamshid, reinforcing the claim of a strategic alliance that built a unique demographic base. Fazlollah Mohtadi (Sobhi), Abbas Effendi's special secretary before leaving the faith, noted that many of these converts used the faith as an escape from Judaism, seeking social freedom.

3. It Has a Documented History of Political Violence and Assassination

In stark contrast to its principle of non-violence, the early leadership of the Baha'i Faith operated an apparatus of executioners and assassins. Violence was systematically used for internal consolidation—to eliminate rivals, silence dissenters, and purge those who knew too many secrets about the faith's origins. Specific actions include the killing of rival Azali Babis in Acre by followers of Baha'u'llah, the poisoning of Mirza Nasrullah Tafarreshi in Edirne, and the murder of Mirza Asadollah Dayan.

This internal ruthlessness was externalized for political ends. During Iran's Constitutional Revolution, prominent Baha'is like Asadollah Khan Abolfathzadeh and Ebrahim Khan Monshizadeh were linked to the infamous "Komiteh-ye Mojazat" (Punishment Committee). This clandestine group was responsible for assassinating high-profile political and religious figures, evolving the faith's use of violence from internal purges to broader political terrorism.

4. Major Anti-Baha'i Riots Were Deliberately Provoked

The infamous "Baha'i-killings" were not always spontaneous outbursts but were sometimes deliberately engineered by the Baha'i leadership itself. The riots in Yazd and Rasht around 1903 CE are a key example, having been preceded by intensely provocative and public proselytizing by Baha'i missionaries, seemingly designed to trigger a backlash.

A calculated strategy of martyrdom was employed, as seen in the reply of Abbas Effendi to a concerned Baha'i elder:

"In the tumult of the ignorant, there is no cause for alarm. Of course, from time to time, a small noise should be raised to cause the people to be awakened."

These provocations were a political tool: by inciting persecution, the leadership created a powerful narrative of suffering that could then be used to win sympathy and provide a pretext for foreign powers, like Britain and Russia, to intervene on behalf of the supposedly oppressed community.

5. It Forged Deep Alliances with Global Power Brokers

The faith's global influence was secured through a three-pronged strategy of alliances:

·        Political and Financial Alignment with Zionism and the British Empire: This alignment, cemented by intelligence services during WWI, secured the faith’s physical and political foothold in Palestine, leading to Abbas Effendi's knighthood. This included Abbas Effendi's prophecies about the return of Jews to the Holy Land and his relationship with the Rothschild family. Additionally, the faith was involved in the British-backed 1921 coup that brought Reza Shah to power in Iran.

·        Ideological Bridge to the West: The alliance with the Theosophical Society orchestrated Abbas Effendi's 1911-1913 tour. This aimed to market him not merely as a religious figure but as the prophet of a new human religion perfectly aligned with Western esoteric and Masonic ideals.

·        Connections with Freemasonry and high-level Western secret societies: Prominent Baha'is like Aliquli Khan Zarabi were high-ranking Freemasons, even achieving the 33rd degree, while individuals involved in early Baha'i-linked political and terrorist networks, such as members of the notorious Punishment Committee, were simultaneously central figures and officers in organizations like the Lodge Bidari Iran (Awakening of Iran Lodge), suggesting that these Masonic institutions served as key coordination points for the cult's engagement with powerful international political and intelligence networks.

These alliances portray a hardened political entity adept at navigating the treacherous currents of colonialism, espionage, and revolutionary turmoil to advance a geopolitical agenda.

Person on receiving end of UHJ's takfir claimed Baha'is don't practice takfir!

Takfir is the Arabic/Islamic word for declaring someone an unbeliever (kafir).

In a thread about takfir from a few years ago, Sen McGlinn wrote the following:

Takfir - which we don't have - is not the same as covenant-breaking...

--Sen McGlinn

https://old.reddit.com/r/bahai/comments/5xrtvd/bah%C3%A1%C3%AD_perspective_of_takfir/dekg3pm/

But Sen himself was on the receiving end of takfir by the UHJ. The UHJ declared him an unbeliever and removed him from the membership rolls. The UHJ's letter, which is quoted on Sen's blog, says the following:

As to the questions raised in your email letter of 10 December concerning the removal of Mr. Sen McGlinn from Bahá’í membership, the House of Justice wishes to assure you that such an action is not taken lightly...

Mr. McGlinn is, of course, entitled to his own views. But one cannot actively propagate ideas over a prolonged period that contradict explicit Bahá’í Teachings and still be considered a Bahá’í.

--Universal House of Justice

So, the UHJ says they removed Sen as a member of the Baha'i Faith, because someone who propagates ideas as he did cannot be "considered a Bahá’í". And then Sen (who is still a UHJ-believer) claims Baha'is don't practice takfir. I wonder what kind of mental gymnastics it took to reach this conclusion.

Source : https://old.reddit.com/r/FreeSpeechBahai/comments/1obbwbb/person_on_receiving_end_of_uhjs_takfir_claimed/

The Meeting with Mírzá Ghulám Ahmad and the Book Written in Refutation of His Claims

Mírzá Asadu'llah Fádil Mázandarání, in his book, provides details of a meeting with Mírzá Ghulám Ahmad and the book written in refutation of his claims.

The Meeting with Mírzá Ghulám Ahmad

Sayyid Muṣṭafá Rumi was the individual who met with Mírzá Ghulám Ahmad.

• He is identified as Mírzá Ghulám Ahmad, the founder of the Qadiani movement.

• Sayyid Muṣṭafá engaged in discourse and debate with Mírzá Ghulám Ahmad. This was part of Sayyid Muṣṭafá's mission which involved travel and public discussion with leaders and scholars of different faiths and sects, including various Islamic sects and Hindus, throughout the vast country of India.

• Sayyid Muṣṭafá gave Mírzá Ghulám Ahmad books of the Baháʼí Faith.

The Book Against the Punjabi Mahdi

The reason of writing this book against Mírzá Ghulám Ahmad was to refute his claim.

• Mírzá Ghulám Ahmad Qadiyani is referred to as the "Punjabi Mahdi".

• The name the book as Kitáb al-Abrár.

• The book was one of the published works of Baháʼí scholar Sheikh al-Ra'īs (Sheikh Muḥammad Fazl-i-Kirmānī).

• The book was explicitly written in refutation of Mírzá Ghulám Ahmad Qadiyani. Sheikh al-Ra'īs clarifies that he wrote the book specifically "in refutation of the Punjabi claimant to Mahdihood".

• This comprehensive work was published in Bombay in the year 1335 AH (1917 CE).

• When addressing criticism (by Baháʼís) for keeping books considered "misleading" in his possession, Sheikh al-Ra'īs stated that he required such literature for scholarly work, asking rhetorically if it would have been possible to write his detailed refutation (Kitáb al-Abrár) against the "frivolities and nonsense" of the Punjabi Mahdi "without guarding and observing that nonsense". 

Sheikh al-Ra'īs throughout his life, he was known for observing caution and guarded his position. He skillfully concealed and veiled the inner reality of his beliefs (did Taqiyya). Sheikh al-Ra'īs himself referred to Kitáb al-Abrár as "one of the compositions of high Islamic scholarship"!

Source: Eighth volume of Tarikh Zuhur al-Haqq by Mirza Asadu’llah Fadil Mazandarani

From Baha'i to Islam: The Journey of an Iranian Woman and her Shocking Claims About the Baha'i Faith

Mahnaz Raufi (مهناز رئوفی) was born into the Baha'i faith, a member of a prominent and active family deeply embedded in its community. Her relatives were respected leaders, and she herself was a devoted follower. Yet, despite these deep roots, she made a life-altering decision to leave the faith of her childhood and embrace Shia Islam, a choice she now considers a profound blessing from God. Her story is a look inside a world that demands absolute faith, and the profound personal crisis that unfolds when one begins to question its most sacred foundations.

This decision came at an immense personal cost. For choosing a different path, Raufi was ostracized by her own family, who refused to see her for years. During this painful estrangement, her father passed away, a loss she had to endure in isolation. Her journey was one of profound sacrifice, but for her, it was a necessary one. Raufi's insider perspective, forged through a lifetime of experience, reveals several unsettling aspects of the Baha'i faith that led her to question everything she was taught. These are her claims.

1. The Faith is Led by an Infallible Body made up of Nine Fallible Men Living in Israel

After the passing of its founder, Baha'u'llah, and his successors Abdu'l-Baha and Shoghi Effendi, the leadership of the Baha'i faith was consolidated into a council known as the Universal House of Justice. This council, located in Israel, is comprised of nine individuals elected by Baha'is.

According to Raufi, followers hold a belief that is central to the faith's power structure: these nine men, when acting as a collective body, are considered infallible. They are seen as being free from sin and error, and it is believed they receive "divine inspiration" to guide their decisions. Because of this belief, their commands are accepted by followers without question. As Raufi states:

"Yes, they say that these individuals receive divine inspiration, so they accept the orders issued by them without any argument."

This demand for unquestioning obedience was unsettling enough, but Raufi found the leadership's deep entanglement with the Israeli state to be even more problematic.

2. A Puzzling and Profitable Alliance with Israel

For Raufi, the Baha'i faith's demand for spiritual loyalty was increasingly hard to reconcile with its very worldly - and highly profitable - political alliances. The global center of the Baha'i faith, the Universal House of Justice, is based on Israeli soil. This location is not arbitrary. The founder, Baha'u'llah, is buried there and declared himself to be the Qiblih (direction of prayer) for his followers. Consequently, Baha'is around the world turn towards Israel to pray.

Raufi describes a relationship with Israel that is both politically and financially symbiotic.

• Financial Ties: The shrines of the Bab and Baha'u'llah have become major tourist destinations, generating significant income as Baha'is from around the world make pilgrimages. Furthermore, followers are required to donate money every 19 days, funds which are collected through various means and sent to the leadership in Israel. The House of Justice is exempt from all taxes by the Israeli government.
• Political Ties: Members of the House of Justice hold annual public meetings with the President of Israel, and Raufi claims many more secret meetings take place.

She concludes this point with a provocative assertion, claiming that Baha'ism and Zionism are united by a common interest: "to uproot Islam."

3. Deep Historical Ties to Colonial Powers

This modern political alignment, Raufi discovered, was not an anomaly but the continuation of a long history of deep ties to foreign powers. She claims that the Baha'i faith was historically supported by colonial interests to achieve their own political goals in the region.

She points first to a connection with Tsarist Russia. The founder, Baha'u'llah, is said to have had a strong relationship with the Russian ambassador. Raufi provides a specific example: when Baha'is failed in a plot to assassinate Nasir al-Din Shah of Iran, Baha'u'llah was allegedly spared punishment because of direct protection from Russia.

Second, she describes a connection to Great Britain. `Abdu'l-Baha, Baha'u'llah's son and successor, was awarded the title of "Sir" by the British government for his services during World War I. Raufi cites a broader historical claim to support this view:

"It is also noteworthy that imperialist powers created Baha'ism to subvert Shia Islam and Wahhabism to subvert Sunni Islam."

While these political entanglements raised serious questions, it was the faith's internal logic or lack thereof, that truly began to dismantle Raufi's belief system.

4. A Faith Built on Contradictions

For Raufi, one of the primary catalysts for her departure was the abundance of logical inconsistencies she could no longer ignore.

• Contradiction 1: The Divine Founder Who Prayed to God. Baha'u'llah claimed divinity for himself, yet he was also observed praying to God and asking for help. When followers questioned this apparent contradiction, he reportedly offered an esoteric explanation: "my outer self is calling my inner self, and the inner self is calling the outer."
• Contradiction 2: The Prophet Who Was Immediately Discarded. Baha'is venerate the Bab as the forerunner who came to announce the arrival of Baha'u'llah. Yet, as Raufi points out, the Bab's own teachings and laws were never implemented. Instead, Baha'u'llah effectively "threw [them] into the sea" and started over with a completely new set of rules.
• Contradiction 3: The Evasive Answers. The Bab's original teachings included extreme and, in Raufi's words, "hateful" commands: burning all books other than his own, destroying all holy sites including the Kaaba, and a "bizarre" ruling that if a woman cannot become pregnant by her husband, she can have intercourse with another man to conceive. When Baha'is are confronted with these disturbing elements of their history, Raufi says they simply evade the question by replying, "we are not Babis." She identifies this as a clear contradiction, since Baha'ism venerates the Bab as a divine messenger while simultaneously disowning his message.

This pattern of contradiction and evasion was most pronounced, Raufi came to believe, in Baha'ism's calculated and hostile stance toward Shia Islam, the very tradition from which it emerged.

5. A Calculated Fear and Mockery of Shia Islam

Raufi asserts that Baha'ism fundamentally views Islam as an abrogated, or cancelled, religion. She notes that the founder, Baha'u'llah, referred to Shia Muslims with the derogatory term "Shani'ah," (شَنِيعة) meaning heinous or abominable.

According to her testimony, the Baha'i leadership fears two specific pillars of Shia Islam: the Ulama (religious scholars) and Ashura (the annual commemoration of the martyrdom of Imam Hussain, a sacred period of mourning).

She describes a provocative action Baha'is take during this solemn period. On the first or second day of Muharram, the month of mourning, Baha'is celebrate the birthday of Baha'u'llah. Raufi highlights the inherent hypocrisy in their justification for this:

"When they are asked why you celebrate during the days of Imam Hussain's martyrdom, they say that Islam has been abrogated. On one hand, they have a Ziyarat-namah (prayer of visitation) to show their "love" for Imam Hussain, and on the other hand, they say that Islam has been abrogated. Such contradictions are abundant in the Baha'i faith."

Adding to the contradiction, Raufi claims this gesture is entirely hollow. "I myself was a Baha'i," she states, "so I know that this prayer of visitation has never been read, and they don't pay attention to it."

6. A Ban on Politics... That Isn't Real

The hypocrisy extended beyond matters of worship and into the realm of worldly power, where the faith’s official ban on politics proved to be, in Raufi's words, little more than a strategic facade.

She points to historical examples of deep political involvement, such as `Abdu'l-Baha's close ties with European and American governments. During the reign of the Shah of Iran, several high-ranking officials - including his personal physician, the prime minister, and even members of the notorious SAVAK secret police were all Baha'is.

After the 1979 Iranian Revolution, this "no politics" rule became a convenient excuse for Baha'is to refuse to support the new government or participate in the Iran-Iraq war. More recently, however, Raufi states the rule has been completely reversed. A few years ago, the House of Justice issued a new directive for Baha'is in Iran to re-engage in society, participate in parliamentary elections, and build relationships with officials in an effort to gain influence and change minds.

7. A System of Indoctrination and Control

How could a faith rife with such contradictions and political maneuvering maintain such a devoted following? Raufi found the answer in the all-encompassing system of indoctrination she had been raised in- a system designed, she now realizes, to prevent questioning.

The methods of control include:

• Children begin Baha'i education at age three in a nursery school called "Gulshan-e-Tawhid."
• Mandatory ethics classes are held from first to twelfth grade with the explicit goal of "erasing non-Baha'i thoughts."
• A compulsory meeting is held every 19 days, and members who do not attend are subject to questioning.
• Separate, mixed-gender social meetings and recreational activities are organized to keep children and youth constantly engaged within the community.

Raufi, who was a nursery school teacher and the head of a band within the community, says her entire day was filled with Baha'i-related activities, leaving no time for interaction with non-Baha'is unless it was for the express purpose of proselytizing (they call it teaching). Looking back, Raufi believes this system of constant activity was a deliberate strategy: to keep followers so occupied that they would never have the time or mental space to confront the faith's deep contradictions, the very inconsistencies that had begun to unravel her own belief.

Shared by Habibollah Ansari from Shiraz (Iran)

The hoops Haifan Baha'is jump through to try to say Baha'u'llah created the concept of the UHJ

Bahá’u’lláh conferred authority upon the Universal House of Justice to exert a positive influence on the welfare of humankind, to promote education, peace and global prosperity, and to safeguard human honour and the position of religion.

https://universalhouseofjustice.bahai.org/

Where does Baha'u'llah say this? In the Kitab i Aqdas, where Baha'u'llah writes about the "House of Justice" (not "Universal House of Justice"), and says the House of Justice is something to be built "in every city", and never describes any kind of global religious institution? Oh, but Abdul Baha "interpreted" Baha'u'llah's writings, which never refer to a UHJ, to refer to a UHJ, using his "infallible interpretive authority" which Baha'u'llah never gave him, but which he has because reasons, so we must ignore what Baha'u'llah's writings say and go with Abdul Baha's "infallible interpretation".

Imagine if Baha'is had not believed in this lie of the UHJ. Imagine if Baha'is had built local Houses of Justice, as Bahaullah intended. Imagine if every local Baha'i community had its own identity, instead of every single one unanimously revolving around the Institute Process.

Source : https://www.reddit.com/r/FreeSpeechBahai/comments/1nq634j/the_hoops_haifan_bahais_jump_through_to_try_to/

The Baha'i Leadership's Role in the Displacement of Palestinians

The Baha'i community's actions in relation to land acquisitions and dealings with the Israeli government paint a picture of questionable practices, often driven by opportunism and a willingness to negotiate with forces that have historically oppressed and displaced Palestinian people. What follows is an unflinching examination of the Baha’i leadership’s actions concerning land dealings, the sale of Palestinian villages, and the purchasing of Palestinian, Arab and Muslim properties from the Israeli government, all of which exposes the community’s ethical standing.

1. Sale of Palestinian Villages to Zionists

In the 1920s, Shoghi Effendi, took part in selling entire Palestinian villages - specifically, the villages of al-Nuqayb and al-Samra - to the Jewish National Fund (JNF). These lands were owned by the Baha'is but had originally been inhabited by Palestinian Arabs. Shoghi Effendi's decision to sell these lands to the JNF, a Zionist organization, enabled the expansion of Jewish settlements and further entrenched the displacement of Palestinians. The eventual depopulation of the village of al-Samra in 1948 following the sale epitomizes the destructive consequences of these transactions. The Baha'i leadership thus played a pivotal role in facilitating the very forces that would later lead to the Nakba (the Palestinian exodus). This sale was not just an economic transaction; it was an act that compounded the suffering of displaced Palestinians.

2. Purchase of the Mansion of Bahji from the Israeli Government

The acquisition of the Mansion of Bahji, along with its surrounding lands, occurred after the original Arab owners fled during the 1948 Arab-Israeli War. The land was later obtained by Shoghi Effendi through an exchange with the Israeli government. While the Baha'i leadership frames this acquisition as necessary for preserving the faith’s holy sites, the fact remains that it was made possible only by exploiting the flight of Palestinian Arabs. This exchange not only benefited the Baha'i Faith but also served as yet another instance of the Israeli government capitalizing on the land vacated by Palestinians.

3. The Case of Mazra'ih

Mazra'ih, a Muslim religious endowment (waqf), was sold to the Baha'is under controversial circumstances. Despite waqf properties being legally protected from sale under Islamic law, the Israeli Minister of Religions, Rabbi Maimon, intervened to allow the Baha'is to take control of Mazra'ih, effectively violating Islamic law. This land, originally held by Palestinian Muslims, was appropriated with direct assistance from the Israeli government. The acquisition of Mazra'ih, a Waqf property of Muslims, was not merely an administrative transaction - it was an example of religious and nationalistic manipulation for the benefit of the Baha'i community, furthering Israel’s goal of consolidating control over Palestinian land.

4. Exchanges with the Israeli Military

There is also evidence of the Baha'i leadership engaging in land exchanges with the Israeli military. One notable transaction involved the property that was initially held by the British War Office and later transferred to the Carmelites. This property was ultimately transferred to Shoghi Effendi’s name in a deal involving the Israeli Defense Ministry. Such dealings reflect the Baha'i leadership’s complicity in negotiating with military authorities whose actions have historically been associated with the subjugation of Palestinians. These exchanges were not merely bureaucratic; they were strategic, ensuring the Baha'i community’s continued safety and protection in Palestine at the expense of displaced Palestinians.

5. Using Demolished Palestinian Homes for Shrines

One of the most disturbing aspects of the Baha'i community’s dealings in Israel relates to the use of ceramic tiles taken from demolished Palestinian homes, primarily in Yafo (Jaffa). These tiles were used in the construction around the Shrines of Baha'u'llah and the Bab. By collecting and hauling away remnants of Palestinian homes, the Baha'is not only benefitted from the destruction of Palestinian properties but actively engaged in the symbolic erasure of Palestinian history and culture. The act of using these tiles to decorate their shrines illustrates an insensitivity to the trauma of Palestinians whose homes were destroyed, and whose lives were upended by the expansion of Zionist settlements.

6. Buying Lands owned by "Covenant-Breakers"

The Baha’i community also engaged in buying land that had once been owned by individuals labeled as "covenant-breakers" - those who had fallen out of favor with the Baha’i leadership. Many of these individuals were either displaced or had their lands appropriated by the Israeli government after fleeing the newly established state. Shoghi Effendi’s decision to purchase land from the Israeli government, which had taken control of such properties, highlights the opportunistic nature of these acquisitions. This was not merely a religious dispute within the Baha'i community; it was a matter of exploiting the situation in a post-1948 Palestine, where the Israeli government controlled vast swaths of Palestinian land.

7. Purification of the Haram-i-Aqdas

Another contentious action was the exhumation and reburial of Diya'u'llah, the younger brother of Abdul Baha, from the Haram-i-Aqdas near the Shrine of Baha'u'llah in Bahji. The Baha'is justified this act as a necessary "purification" of the sacred site, which had been tainted by the presence of those they considered covenant-breakers. This operation, which included expropriation orders from the Israeli government, involved the removal of remains and the expulsion of individuals associated with the early Baha’i schisms. It was a harsh, legalistic cleansing, carried out with the complicity of Israeli authorities, which further entrenched the Baha’i community’s ties to the Israeli state.

8. Negotiation for the Temple Site on Mount Carmel

The land where the Baha'i Temple will come in the future on Mount Carmel was initially coveted by the British military but later transferred to the Israeli Defense Ministry. The Baha'i leadership successfully negotiated with Israeli authorities to secure this land for their holy site. This further solidified the Baha'i community’s relationship with the Israeli military and government, ensuring their position in a region that had seen the violent displacement of its Palestinian population. By obtaining land originally sought after by foreign powers and later secured by Israel, the Baha'is once again benefitted from the dispossession of Palestinians.

9. The Zikrullah Property

Finally, the Baha’i community's exchange of land near Galilee (Zikrullah property) for land near the Shrine of Baha'u'llah from the Israeli government again highlights their active engagement in land transactions with Israel. The Zikrullah property, located near the border of Syria and within a demilitarized zone, was an area of interest for the Israeli government, which pressured the Zikrullah family to sell. The Baha’is, however, negotiated a trade for land that had been expropriated from Palestinians, thus further enriching the Baha'i community at the expense of the Palestinian people.

A History of Opportunism and Complicity

The Baha'i community's dealings with the Israeli government are a deeply troubling aspect of their history. From selling Palestinian villages to purchasing land taken from displaced Palestinians, from exploiting demolished Palestinian homes to negotiating with military authorities, the Baha'i leadership’s actions consistently reveal a pattern of opportunism and complicity in the dispossession of Palestinian land. Rather than standing in solidarity with the oppressed, the Baha'is chose to align themselves with the very forces responsible for the displacement and suffering of millions of Palestinians. These actions expose the darker side of the Baha'i Faith’s relationship with Israel and its role in the ongoing injustice faced by the Palestinian people.

Sources:

https://books.google.com/books/about/All_That_Remains.html?id=_By7AAAAIAAJ&redir_esc=y

https://bahai-library.com/writings/shoghieffendi/mbw/sec-25.html

https://bahai.works/index.php?title=File%3ABaha%27i_News_244.pdf&page=4

http://bahai-covenant.blogspot.com/2010/05/leroy-ioas-champion-charters.html

Earl Redman, Shoghi Effendi - Through the Pilgrim's Eye Vol. 2

https://www.grbooks.com/products/shoghi-effendi-vol-2-through-pilgrims-eye_redman?variant=24525720191076

http://bahai-library.com/uhj_messages_1963-86_full&chapter=3

Leroy Ioas - Hand of the Cause of God by Anita Ioas Chapman